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4 



THE 

FELLS OF SWARTHMOOB, HALL. 



THE 

FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL 

AND THEIR FRIENDS; 

WITH AN ACCOUNT OF THEIR ANCESTOR, 

ANNE ASKEW, THE MARTYR. 

% Portraiture 

OF RELIGIOUS ASD FAMILY LIFE IX THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY, 

COMPILED CHIEFLY FEOM ORIGINAL LETTERS AZSD OTHER 

DOCUMENTS, NEVER BEFORE PUBLISHED. 

BY 

MARIA WEBB, 

AUTHOR OF 

'The Perms and Penningtons f 
'Annotations on Dr. D 'Auligne's Sketch of the Early British Church.'' 

'And they that be wise shall shine as the brightness of the 
firmament: and they that turn many to righteousness as the stars 
for ever and tver.' — Daniel xii, 3. 



SECOND EDITION. 



PHILADELPHIA : 

HENRY LOKGSTRETH, 738 SANSOM STREET. 

18.34. 



^ 



V 






PREFACE. 



In collecting the letters and varied information contained in the 
following pages, I have been influenced by the desire of placing 
before the present age, such authentic details of home life among the 
early members of the Society of Friends as are now accessible. 
The written history of the rise of this section of the Christian 
Church necessarily abounds with narratives of the bitter persecutions 
enduivd by the devoted men and women who first embraced its 
distinctive views of Gospel truth, also with the numerous controver- 
sies engaged in from time to time in their defence. But those early 
writings rarely afford us any glimpses of the home pictures of 
domestic life, so as to make us acquainted with their social status 
and surroundings. 

There was one remarkable family, the members of which occupied 
a conspicuous place at this exciting period, among whose descendants 
I especially sought for familiar letters that might serve the purpose 
of a domestic portraiture. I was not disappointed in the search. 
The head of this family — Judge Fell — filled an important position 
under the Commonwealth ; his wife, Margaret Fell, became an early 
convert to the religious principles proclaimed by George Fox. The 
correspondence between her and her daughters, and sons-in-law, 
spreading as it does over nearly half-a-century, forms an interesting 
feature in succeeding pages. As a nursing mother in our Church, 
Margaret Fell has long been known and honoured ; but as regards 
the loving care which she extended in private life to those around 
her, as well as towards her children and grandchildren, very little is 
known. A number of heretofore unpublished letters between her 
and her daughters, and their husbands, have been cordiaily on appli- 
cation s nt to me from England, Scotland, and Ireland by de- 
scendants of the Fell family, and by some not thus descended who 

(iii) 



IV PREFACE. 

had treasured them as precious memorials of departed worth. Those 
familiar epistles serve to portray a beautiful picture of the home 
relations of this distinguished circle, and of the loving intercourse 
maintained amongst its members ; and wh 1st they exhibit, on one 
hand, many and deep trials, arising from an open advocacy aud in- 
flexible maintenance of religious truth, they display, on the other 
hand, that affectionate interest and sympathy in each other's welfare, 
which atlorn and dignify, and render happy private life. 

In addition to those letters, I procured many others from the 
Fr'ends' Manuscript Depository in Devonshire House, which was 
kindly opened to me. These were chiefly addressed to Margaret Fell 
by those earnest men, the first preachers among that band of zealous 
followers who rallied round George Fox, and who, by their un- 
swerving advocacy of the righti of cjnscitnce, and their firm stand 
against the intolerance and persecuting spirit of the age, have con- 
tributed in no small degree to the establishment of that full measure 
of religious liberty at present enjoyed by all classes in our favoured 
land. 

The volume, which has arisen out of the documents thus procured, 
I now submit to the public, but more especially to the members of 
our own religious community, in the sincere hope that it may 
subserve the end of casting some further light on the lives and the 
times of our predecessors, whose principles we profess to uphold. 

M. W., 
7, Palmerston Road, Dublin. 






CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 

PAGB. 

Morecambe Bay — Furness — Swarthmoor Hall — Judge Fell — His 
Marriage— Sir Hugh Askew — The Askew Family, . . 1 

CHAPTER II. 
1546. 
Marriage, Persecution, and Martyrdom of Anne Askew, Ancestor 
to Margaret Fell, 7 

CHAPTER III. 

Origin and Developments of Quakerism — Its Influence on Na- 
tional Laws — Moral and Religious Results, . . . .28 

CHAPTER IV. 

1652. 
Old Letters — Hospitality at Swarthmoor — George Fox arrives 
there — Margaret Fell and her Servants adopt his Religious 
Doctrines — Judge Fell's return from Circuit — Margaret 
Fell's Letter to her Husband — James Nayler and Richard 
Farnsworth to Margaret Fell, 41 

CHAPTER Y. 

1652—1654. 

George Fox in Ulverstone Church — Attacked by a Mob— Riot at 

Walney Island — Lancaster Assizes— Acquittal of Fox — 

Letters from Thomas Taylor, Thomas Lawson, and John 

Lawson, to Margaret Fell, 55 

CHAPTER VI. 
1653—1655. 
Anthony Pearson at Swarthmoor— His Religious Convictions — 
"William Caton's experience at the Hall — His Removal to 
the Continent — His Missionary Labours and Death— The 
Swarthmoor Children -Letters of Gervase Benson to Mar- 
garet Fell, 75 

O) 



VI CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER VII. 

1654—1660. page. 
Letter from Anthony Pearson to George Fox— Pearson's great 
Case of T.thes — Epistle from Margaret Fell on the estab- 
lishment of a Fund for Church Expenses — Gerard Croese on 
the loving care extended by the Friends to all their Mem- 
bers — Thomas Aldam's Imprisonment — His Correspondence 
-with Margaret Fell — His Liberation —His Letter to Judge 
Fell — His Visit to the Prisons of England — Interview with 
the Protector— His Death, 86 

CHAPTER VIII. 
1653—1663. 

Margaret Fell's Correspondence — Her Letter to Colonel West on 
behalf of the Persecuted Member's of the Quaker Church — 
Letters to Imprisoned Friends - Her Correspondence with 
Francis Howgill — His Death in Prison, . . . .100 

CHAPTER IX. 

1655—1657. 
Edward Burrough — His Letters to M. F. — Banishment from 
Ireland — Controversy with John Bunyan — His Death — 
John Bunyan' s Release from Bedford Jail, through the 
instrumentality of the Quakers — John Stubbs — His Letter 
to M. F. — M. F.'s Address to the Jews — Manasseth-Ben- 
Israel, 112 

CHAPTER X. 

1655—1660. 
James ISTayler as a Preacher — Letters to Margaret Fell respect- 
ing him — His Imprisonment — Condemnation — Restoration 
—Death, . ... 127 

CHAPTER XI. 

165S. 
The Protector — Margaret Fell's Letters to him — Judge Fell's 
Death — His Character — His Will — Letters of Condolence 
— Margaret Fell to her Son, 146 



CONTENTS. VI 1 

CHAPTER XII. 

1659—1660. page. 

Friends' Pet'.tion to Parliament for the Release of their Im- 
prisoned Brethren— Substitutes offer themselves— Rejection 
of their Petition and Offer — Letters to Margaret Fell from 
Alexander Parker. Hen. y Fell, and others— Political Changes 
— General Monk's Soldiers — Restoration of the King — 
Declaration of King Charles on Liberty of Conscience, . 118 

CHAPTER Xni. 
1660. 
George Fox imprisoned at Lancaster— Margaret Fell goes to 
London to intercede with the King for his Release — Letters 
from Richard Hubbcrthorn to Margaret Fell — Letter from 
M. F. to Georgs Fox — He is ordered to London — His 
Appearance before the Court of King's Bench — His Release 
—Letter from M. F. to her Children— Letter from M. F., 
jun., to her Sisters— Bridget Fell to her Mother, . . .169 

CHAPTER XIY. 
1657-1660. 
Henry Fell — Letters from John Rous to Margaret Fell — Heiiry 

Fell to Bridget Fell— Henry Fell to Margaret Fell, . . 183 

CHAPTER XT. 
1661—1662. 
Foreign Missions in the We^t— Italy— Syiia — Egypt— Turkey 
— Friends called on for their Support — Henry Fell and 
John Stubbs start for the East — Catherine Evans and 
Sarah Cheevers in the Incpiisition at Malta — Mary F.sher's 
Visit to the Emperor of Turkey, 192 

CHAPTER XYI. 
1660-1664. 
Margaret Eell to King Charles abo.;t the P. rseeutions— Her 
Interview wth the Queen Dowager— "With the Queen of 
Bohemia— Wth the Princess of Orange — Marriages at 
Swarthmoor Hall— M. F. returns to London — Writes again 
to the King— Letters of Mary Pease — Letters of William 
Eelmundson, 204 



Vlll CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XVII. 

1663-1664. page. 

George Fox taken Prisoner at Swarthrnoor — His Letter to Gilbert 
Latey — Margaret Fell sent to Lancaster Castle — Her Trial 
— Condemnation— Imprisonment — Mary Fell's Letter to her 
Mother, respecting her interviews with King Charles, . 218 

CHAPTER XVIIi. 

1664—1665. 
Family Letters — Persecutions — Imjmsonments — Transporta- 
tions —The Plague in London— The Pestilence in the Prisons 
— The Black Eagle and its Victims — Morgan Watkin's 
Letter to Margaret Fell on the Subsidence of the Pest'lence, 236 

CHAPTER XIX. 

1666—1668. 
National Sins and their Punishment — M. Fell's Letter from 
Lancaster Castle to the King — Great Fire of London — Letters 
from Ellis Hooks — M. Fell's Release from Prison, . . 250 

CHAPTER XX. 

16C8— 1670. 
Family Letters — Mary Fell"s Marriage — Margaiet Fell vis'ts the 
Friends who are Imprisoned — Margaret Fell's and George 
Fox's Marriage — George Fell*s Indignation — Letters from 
Gc orge Fox and John Rous to Margaret Fox— From Thomas 
Lower — From John Rous — M. F. again Imprisoned — Letter 
from Ellis Hooks to M. F. — Escape of Charles II. after the 
Battle of Worcester, 263 

CHAPTER XXI. 

1670—1672. 
Revival of the Conventicle Act — Letter from J. Rous to Sarah 
Fell, telling ofWm. Penn'sandWm. Meade*s Imprisonment 
—John Stubbs to Margaret Fox — Margaret Rous to her 
Mother— John Rous to Margaret Fox— M. F.*s release from 
Pr son — George Fox and others go to the "West Indies — J. 
Rous to M. Fox, from Barbadoes — from Kingston, . . 289 



CONTENTS. IX 

CHAPTER XXII. 

1672—1673. page. 
George Fox and his Friends in Barbadoes— Address to the 
Governor— Henry Fell to Margaret Fox— Elizabeth Stubbs 
to Margaret Fox, 302 

CHAPTER XXni. 

1673—1678. 
George Fox*s Return from America — His and T. Lower's Im- 
prisonment — M. L.'s Letter to his Wife — Ellis Hooks to M. 
F.— George Fox to his Wife — Release from Prison — Sarah 
Fell to her Mother— M. F. to G. F.— E. Hooks to M. F.— 
Spirit of the Martyrs Revived — Margaret Fawcett to M. F. 309 

CHAPTER XXIT. 

1677— 1C90. 
Visits to the Court of the Princess Palatine — Letter from Robert 
Barclay to the Sisters at Swarthmoor — From Princess Eliz- 
abeth and Countess Home to Robert Barclay — Persecutions 
in Scotland — Sketch of David and Robert Barclay — The'r 
Death, 324 

CHAPTER XXV. 

1673—1686. 
Swaithmoor Account Book — Thomas Lower and family settle 
at Marsh Grange — Sarah Ftll's Marriage — Her Instructions 
for the Management of the Women Friends' Meetings — 
Letters from Sarah Meade to her Mother and Sister — Wm. 
Meade to Margaret Fox — George Fox to Thomas Lower 
about the building of Swarthmoor Meeting-house, . . 349 

CHAPTER XXVI. 

1670-1684. 
John Abraham's Letters to Margaret Fox — M. F. to J. A. — 
Daniel Abraham to Rachel Fell — -Their Marriage — Geo'ge 
Fox to Margaret Fox — Daniel Abraham to his Wife — 
Sketch of Leonard Fell— Susanna Fell to her Sister — 
John Rous to Margaret Fox, 371 



X CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER XXVII. 

1690. page. 
M. Fox returns from London — Letter announcing her Return — 
William Perm to Margaret Fox, telling of the Death of 
George Fox— Robert Barrow's account of his Funeral — 
Thos. Elwood's Sketch of his Character— Will of George 
Fox — Disposal of his American Pioperty — Cla'm made by 
his Heirs-at-law — D'sinterment of the Remains of George 
Fox— Thomas Lawson, the Botan'st— His Death— His 
Family and Descendants, 384 

CHAPTER XXVIII. 

1G9 1—1695, and onward. 
William Ingram's Marriage with Susanna Fell— His Letter to 
M. Fox— Marriage of Beth!ah Rous -Margaret Fox to her * 
Grandson— To Thomas Lower— Rachel Abraham to her 
Husband— William Ingram to M. Fox — Margaret Rous to 
her Mother — Death of John Rous —His Will — Fam'ly 
History — Descendants, 405 

CHAPTER XXIX. 

1697—1702. 
Last Visit of Margaret Fox to London — Letter from Daniel 
Abraham — M. Fox's Acldiess to King William— Letter to 
Edmund Waller — Epistle to Friends— George Whitehead 
to M. Fox— William Ingram to M. Fox — Mary Lower to 
her Mother — Margaret Fox's Rev val of her Testimony— 
Her Death, . 419 

CHAPTER XXX. 
Descendants of the Fells of Swarthmoor Hall, . . . . 416 

Concluding Remarks on the Society of Friends, .... 448 
App.endx, 453 



FAC-SIMILES OF AUTOGRAPHS. 

Judge Fell, 154 

John Rous, 238 






THE 

FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL. 



CHAPTER I. 

MORECAMBE BAT — FURNESS — SWARTHMOOR HALL — JUDGE FeLL, 

— His Marriage — Sir Hugh Askew — The Askew Family. 

The residence of the Fell family, whose history is traced 
in the following pages, was situated in that detached part 
of Lancashire called " Furness," which lies north of More- 
cambe Bay. The waters of the bay, of which the upper 
windows of their house commanded a prospect, penetrate 
into the land to the depth of some fifteen miles. Along 
the extremity of its shores, on the ebb of the tide, the 
ground is left dry to a great extent, and the tracks thus 
occasionally covered and uncovered, constitute the far- 
famed ' Sands of Leven and of Lancaster. The former 
extend along the western coast, the latter along the eastern 
side of the bay. The sands are remarkable, not only for 
their singularity and the picturesque beauty of the adjacent 
scenery, but for their dangers.* A casual passenger is not 
likely to be aware, on an ordinary crossing, of the risk at 
times involved in the attempt. Their ever-changing quick- 
sands, their sudden mists, their bewildering tempests, the 
rivers by starts becoming broad, deep, and swollen, with tor- 

* The descriptions of Morecambe Bay, of Furness, and of Swarth- 
moor Hall, are taken chiefly from manuscript notes by the late 
William Benson, which have courteously been placed in the hands 
of the writer by John Abraham, of Liverpool, a descendant of 
Margaret Fell. 



Z THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

rents rushing from the mountains, bringing peril in various 
forms; add to all these the uncertainty of the tides, which 
are in great measure dependent upon the strength of the 
south-west winds, driving the water up the imperceptibly 
inclined plane of the bay, and we have before us the various 
causes which have so often occasioned the loss of human 
life in crossing the sands. But since railway projectors 
performed the bold experiment of spanning them with their 
iron tracks, the solitar}^ traveller less frequently imperils 
his life by more tedious crossings, - 

Shipwrecks on the Morecambe coasts are not uncommon ; 
its treacherous winds and complicated sandbanks, its lee- 
shores and uncertain depths, make it the dread of the sea- 
man, and rendered its navigation a hazardous experiment 
before the less fluctuating power of the 'steam-engine aided 
the navigator. Placid to-day, it rages with fearful tempests 
to-morrow ; beautiful though it be, it is deceitful and dan- 
gerous, especially to the sailing-craft that depends on the 
wind. Tradition tells of land swallowed up and whole 
villages submerged on these coasts, thus adding mystery 
to the feeling of awe with which they are regarded by the 
inhabitants. 

The opposite side of the peninsula is bounded by another 
bay forming the estuary of the Duddon, the sands of which 
are also fordable, but being of less extent are less dangerous. 
Along the south-western coast extends the island of Walney. 
Furness itself is almost an island, if the encircling waters 
of ocean, rivers, and lakes can confer such title ; for the 
sea and the rivers, Leven and Duddon, with the Brathay, 
Elterwater, Little Langdale Tarn, and Lake Windermere, 
unite in giving it a watery boundary, except for a few 
hundred yards. Immediately outside these demarcations 
the mountains arise which add so much to the picturesque 
beauty of the scenerv. 

Thus detached, Furness enjoyed, anciently, but little 
communication with the surrounding districts. Its surface 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 3 

is singularly diversified. Its mountains, its slopes and its 
plains form an epitome of England. To the north it is 
bold, rocky, and barren, a land of "brown heath and 
shaggy wood," of lake and stream, of sequestered villages 
and unpeopled fells, of sheep-walks and commons, of a 
pastoral population with frugal habits. This northern 
division is called High Furness or Furness Fells, and those 
fells or mountains yield copper ore. 

The centre of the country is undulating, studded with 
populous villages and trim country residences, the abode 
of busy industry and commerce, though manufactures have 
not yet obtained the footing they possess in other parts of 
Lancashire. The southern division is called Low or Plain 
Furness. It is entirely agricultural and mining, a fertile 
and thriving district, producing some of the best corn in 
England. Owing to its contiguity to the Irish Sea, the 
climate is moist, yet its harvests are earlier than those of 
the neighbouring counties. It is said to produce the richest 
iron ore in the world. The ploughed fields and the roads 
are for miles together of a deep red colour, owing to the 
iron impregnation. Each of these portions of Furness has 
its own characteristic and beautiful scenery, and the splendid 
bay of Morecambe, with its wood-covered hills and lofty 
mountains, adds an inexpressible charm to almost every 
point of view. 

This outlying section of Lancashire was long under the 
government of the monks of Furness Abbey. The Abbey 
itself was founded a. d. 112T, by King Stephen. Its domain 
extended over all the regions of Furness included within 
the boundaries just specified. The Abbot was a sort of 
king inside these territories, as well as head landlord and 
agriculturalist. The situation of the Abbey is in the 
southern part of. the promontory. It stands in the depth 
of a glen clothed with wood, a stream flowing through it. 
A beacon once crowned the height above the Abbey. Its 
signal-fire was visible over Low Furness, and there were 



4 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

arrangements for extending from fell to fell the lighted 
summons, till in a few minutes beacons blazed from the 
Duddon to Windermere throughout the length and breadth 
of the monastic dominions. Under the paternal sway of 
the abbots of Furness, the region pi'ospered. Embank- 
ments were constructed against the ravages of the ocean — 
land was reclaimed, and agriculture advanced, of which 
various evidences still exist. The tenants of the abbots 
were treated leniently, encouraged, and not severely pressed. 
Let their religious influence be what it might, these ghostly 
fathers seem to have been good landlords. 

At length came the dissolution of the monasteries in 
1531, and with that came also grants of monastic land to, 
royal favourites. Manorial customs heretofore unknown 
in Furness were introduced ; grasping agents, desirous of 
exhibiting heavy rent-rolls, took the places of the easy-going 
monks and paternal abbot. Disputes about tithes diverted 
from the objects to which they were originally assigned, 
and applied to private purposes, soon followed. Lawsuits 
relative to these and to feudal services embittered men's 
minds in this as in innumerable other districts, from the 
dissolution of the monasteries, until the civil wars added 
other elements of strife. 

Dissatisfaction with the order of things established after 
the downfall of Papal supremacy, was only exceeded by 
detestation of the Papacy as an exacting, ecclesiastical, 
foreign power. In this state of the public mind, a change 
of government was joyfully welcomed, and the introduction 
of the Presbyterian form of worship was cordially responded 
to by a majority of the men of Furness. But after a few 
years' trial of Presbyterianism as the dominant religion, it 
also was found to have its spirit of pressure and persecu- 
tion. Power with the one, as with the other great party, 
was accompanied by abuses. The Episcopalians, Presby- 
terians and Independents were then alike unable to realize 
the principle of religious toleration, and each of these great 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 

Church sections approved of recourse to the sword in 
defence of its opinions and position. 

Such was the state of public parties in the middle of the 
seventeenth centuiy, when Swarthinoor Hall became a 
centre, where other convictions of Christian duty, and 
other religious feelings were cherished, and from thence 
were disseminated over surrounding regions. That cele- 
brated mansion stands about a mile south of TJlverstone, 
in view of mountains, woods, and water, that give great 
beauty to the scenery. The Hall is situated on the verge 
of a moor, from which it takes its name,* and which, in 
spite of modern enclosure and the labours of the husband- 
man, yet maintains a somewhat barren aspect, contrasting 
with the rich luxuriance of the plains in other directions. 
From the upper rooms the unrivalled beauties of More- 
cambe Bay present themselves, and the sharp-peaked 
mountains of Coniston close the view on the inland side. 
But the Hall itself, which is now dilapidated, was at the 
time of which we speak in its pristine freshness and beautjr. 
It was an Elizabethan building, with rich oak panelling 
throughout the principal apartments, which are spacious, 
and formerly some of them were handsomely lighted by 
oriel windows. 

In the seventeenth century, Swarthmoor Hall was in- 
habited by a family which enjoyed greater local territory 
than any other of the same time in the neighbourhood. 
The head of that family was Thomas Fell, better known as 
Judge Fell.f He was brought up to the profession of the 
law, became a successful barrister, was afterwards raised to 
the bench, and was one of the judges who went the circuit 
of West Chester and North Wales. He was Yice-Chancellor 

* For analysis respect'ng the name Swarthmoor, and the estates 
pertaining to it, see Appendix A. 

f For a detailed account of the position and property of ' ' Fell of 
Swarthmoor," see Appendix B. 



6 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

of the county palatine of Lancaster, Chancellor of the 
Duchy Court of Westminster, and a county magistrate. 
He was returned to Parliament as a representative for 
Lancaster in 1645, along with Sir Thomas Bendloss. But 
during the latter years of Cromwell's administration he 
retired from Parliamentary life. The Protector sought, 
but in vain, to attach Fell closely to his government and 
person. As a mark of special regard, he presented the 
Judge with a silver cup, which was long preserved in the 
family. But still Judge Fell, looking with disapproval on 
some of the proceedings of the Cromwellian government, 
kept aloof from close association with its chief. 

In addition to his professional income, the Judge inher- 
ited an ample estate from his ancestors, which had descended 
to him through his father, George Fell. In the year 1682 
he married Margaret Askew, who had been both religiously 
and intellectually well educated for that time, and admi- 
rably fitted to fill with dignity and grace the distinguished 
position to which she was thus introduced. When she 
became mistress of Swarthmoor Hall she was in her 
eighteenth year, her husband in his thirty-fourth. The 
youthful bride was the daughter of John Askew, of Marsh 
Grange, in the parish of Dal ton Furness. 

Marsh Grange, and another estate called Seaton Priory, 
were both granted to a member of the Askew (or according 
to ancient spelling the Ascough, Asketh, or Askey) family, 
by Henry the Eighth, in the year 1542. This was Hugh 
Askew, or, as he was afterwards styled, Sir Hugh. He was 
of the same family as Sir William Askew, of Kelsey, in 
Lincolnshire, who was one of the knights that attended 
King Henry to the Field of the Cloth of Gold. But whether 
Hugh was younger brother or son to Sir William is not 
clear. In 1547, Hugh Askew was created knight-banneret 
at Musselburgh, in Scotland, after the battle of Pinkey, 
where he especially distinguished himself. He married 
into a noble family, Lady Askew being cousin-german to 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 7 

Queen Jane Seymour, niolher of Edward the Sixth ; it was 
probably through this connection that Sir Hugh got an 
honourable appointment in the young King's household. 
In the year 15G2 he died, leaving no children.* His estates 
in Lancashire then became the property of his nephew, or 
great-nephew, William Askew (son to Anne Askew, the 
martyr) , and a niece named Bridget Askew. Marsh Grange 
fell to the former ; Seaton Priory to the latter, who was 
married to a Pennington, afterwards Earl of Muncaster. 
William Askew's son John succeeded his father in the 
Marsh Grange estate. John Askew left two sons and one 
daughter, the latter being Margaret, who was married to 
Thomas Fell of Swarthmoor Hall. 



CHAPTER II. 

Marriage, Persecution, and Martyrdom op Anise Askew, 
Ancestor to Margaret Fell. 

Anne Askew was the second daughter of Sir William 
Askew, of Kelsej-, in Lincolnshire. Her elder sister had 
been engaged to be married to the son and heir of a 
gentleman named Kyme, who lived in the same count}' ; 
but she died before the marriage was solemnized. Sir 
William Askew and " Old Master Kj'me " were both much 
disappointed in their worldly plans by this unexpected 
death. The former had liked the alliance for the wealth 
that accompanied it, the latter for the rank. Still, to secure 
these objects it was proposed that young Kyme should 
marry Sir William's second daughter. In no respect were 
they well suited either in mind or in character, and Anne 
felt this ; but in vain did she sa}^ so — in vain remonstrate 



**In Bootle Church, where he was interred, tliere is a monumental 
inscription to the memory of Sir Hugh Askew. 



8 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

with her father. Sir William was inflexible, marry Kyme 
she must, and did, about the 3-ear 1541. But, as might have 
been expected, all that wealth could purchase failed to 
make her life happy with a husband so uncongenial. 

In that gilded loneliness the heart and soul of the young 
wife turned to the Lord for grace and strength to fit her to 
fulfil aright the duties of her position. Her mind was well 
cultivated and of a high order. She had been blest with a 
tutor who had encouraged her in biblical studies, and 
probably had aided the development of her religious per- 
ceptions. Now her great comfort was derived from the 
study of the Holy Scriptures, and through all the difficul- 
ties that surrounded her, as Bishop Bale expresses it, " she 
demeaned herself like a Christian wife." But this frequent 
reading of the Bible and absenting herself from confession, 
was noticed with great displeasure by her husband's family, 
and by the priests. Thus her life wore on through perplex- 
ities and consolations till after the birth of her second 
child. Then her husband declared that if she would not 
give up reading the Bible and attend confession, he would 
banish her from his house and home. But " Mistress 
Kyme " could not, with a clear conscience, do either one or 
the other, and she told him so. Thus Bale quaintly relates 
the case — " In process of time, by oft reading of the sacred 
Bible, shee fell clearlye from all olde superstycj'ons of 
papystry to a perfyght beleve in Jesus Christ, whereby she 
so offended the prestes that hee, at their suggestion, drove 
her out of hys house. Whereupon shee thought herselfe 
free from that uncomely kynde of marryage by thys doc- 
trine of Saint Paul, 1 Cor. vii, ' If a faithful woman have 
an unbelevinge husband which will not tarry with her, she 
may leave hym ; for a brother or sister is not in subjectyon 
to such.' " But this lady did not leave her husband till he 
ordered her to go, and then she departed and took her 
children with her to her own early home. Kyme seems to 
have expected that his wife would have yielded to his orders 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. V 

respecting the non-reading of the Bible, &c, rather than be 
turned out of doors. In that he was mistaken. Under 
these circumstances it is by no means likely that she met 
-with a cordial welcome from her worldly-minded father. 
But it is probable that she found there, in her chilhood's 
home, some sympathising heart — mother, brother, sister, 
or frieud — with whom she could take counsel. Neverthe- 
less, the Spirit of Truth, and her own enlightened conscience, 
must mainly have been her guides. What we know of Anne 
Askew 's inner feelings has been gathered from her letters 
quoted in Foxe's "Acts and Monuments of the Martyrs," 
and her " Prison Thoughts;" written after her condemna- 
tion for the satisfaction of her friends. It is certain that 
she had those who were true friends to the last, and prob- 
ably some of her own family were united to her in heart 
and spirit, though their names are not mentioned. In those 
perilous times it would have been hazardous to any who 
would venture publicly to identify his sentiments and sym- 
pathies with one who took such an open independent stand 
for Bible principles as she did. 

On being turned out by her husband she renounced his 
name, for herself and children, resuming that of Askew. 
The Kymes continued to persecute her after she had 
returned to her father's house, and, in order to be at a 
distance from them, she went to London, where she had 
relatives and friends. But her persecutors had agents in 
London who watched her closely. They informed the 
Bishop of London and the Lord Mayor that she was a 
dangerous heretic, and it was believed that but for this 
information she would not have been known to the City 
authorities, and consequently not have been made^a public 
victim. 

Anne Askew appears to have been well acquainted with 
several of the noble ladies who surrounded Queen Catherine, 
and probably with the Queen herself. But her coming to 
London was with the desire to live with her children in 



10 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

peace and retirement. Her enemies reported that fear of 
her heresies being made public caused her to leave Lincoln. 
To disprove this report she returned for a short time, and, 
day by day, visiting the cathedral, took her seat before one 
of the great Bibles that had been placed there by royal 
order. . She expected that some of the priests who saw her 
thus engaged would have stated the heresy of which she 
was accused, and would have expostulated with her if they 
believed in their hearts that she had not Scripture to sus- 
tain her. However, they passed in and out, and looked at 
her, but said nothing of importance. She had not the 
slightest fear of aught they could say or do ; for, as she 
said, she felt her cause was good, and that the Lord was on 
her side. 

In the following spring Anne Askew was summoned 
before the Inquisitors in London, and closely questioned 
about her religious belief. To her friends she details the 
questions put and her answers, thus : — 

'" First, Christopher Dare examined me at Sadler's Hall, 
being one of the quest, and asked me if I did not believe that 
the sacrament hanging over the altar was the very body of 
Christ really. Then I demanded of him, Wherefore was 
St. Stephen stoned to death? And he said, he could not 
tell. Then I answered, that no more would I assoil his 
vain question. 

" Secondly, he said, that there was a woman who did 
testify that I read how God was not in temples made with 
hands. Then I shewed him chapters vii. and xviii. of the 
Acts of the Apostles, what Stephen and Paul had said 
therein. 

"Thirdly, he asked, wherefore I said I had rather read 
five lines in the Bible than to hear five masses in the 
temple. I confessed that I had said no less, because the one 
did greatly edify me, and the other nothing at all. He 
asked me what I said concerning confession. I answered 
him m}^ meaning ; which was, as St. James saith, that every 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 11 

man ought to acknowledge his faults to another, and the 
one to pray for the other. 

" He asked me what I said to the King's book, and I 
answered him, that I could say nothing to it, because I 
never saw it. He asked me, if I had the Spirit of God in 
me? I answered, if I had not I was but a reprobate or 
castaway. 

" Then he said, he had sent for a priest to examine me, 
who was then at hand. The priest asked me what I said 
to the sacrament of the altar, and required much to know 
my meaning thereof. But I desired him to hold me excused 
concerning that matter. None other answer would I make 
him, because I perceived him to be a papist. 

" Lastly, he asked me, if I did not think private masses 
did help the -souls departed. I said it was great idolatry 
to rely more in them than in the death Christ died for us. 

" Then they had me thence unto my Lord Mayor, and he 
examined me as they had before, and I answered him directly 
in all things as I answered the quest. Besides this, my Lord 
Mayor laid one thing to my charge which was never spoken 
of me but by them ; and that was, whether a mouse eating 
the host received God or no? This question did I never 
ask, but, indeed, they asked it of me, whereunto I made 
them no answer, but smiled. 

" Then the bishop's chancellor rebuked me, and said, that 
I was much to blame for uttering the Scriptures. For St. 
Paul, he said, forbade women to talk of the Word of God. 
I answered him, that I knew St. Paul's meaning as well as 
he, which is in 1 Cor. xiv., that a woman ought not to 
speak in the congregation by way of teaching. Then I 
asked him, how many women he had seen go into the pulpit 
to preach? He said, he never saw any. Then, I said, he 
ought to find no fault in poor women except they had 
offended the law. 

' ; Then my Lord Mayor commanded me to ward. I 
asked him if sureties would not serve me, and he made me 



12 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

short answer, that he would take none. Then was I bad to 
the Compter, and there remained eleven days, no friend 
admitted to speak with me. But, in the meantime, there 
was a priest sent unto me, who said that he was commanded 
of the Bishop to examine me, and to give me good advice, 
which he did not." 

With this other priest, and yet another who was sent to 
her, there followed a series of conversations and questions 
bearing on the two grand points — transubstantiation and 
confession. In all of these the prisoner brought forward 
Holy Scripture in support of the various positions she 
took, mostly but firmly maintaining her standing on the 
Gospel foundation. At length, Bonner, Bishop of London, 
took the matter into his own hands. That unscrupulous 
ecclesiastic, with all the hearLlessness of his royal master, 
and with far more cunning, proceeded to cross-examine th-j 
deserted young wife, in the hope of entrapping her. But 
she was on her guard ; and to each of his leading questions 
she replied, " I believe as the Scripture doth teach me." 
Speaking of the Eucharist — " Then inquired he of me, 
'What if the Scripture doth say that it is the body of 
Christ?' My answer was — 'I believe as the Scripture 
informeth me.' Then asked he, ' What if the Scripture 
doth say that it is not the body of Christ ?' Still I said, 'I 
believe as the Scripture doth teach.' Upon this he tarried 
a great while, hoping to have driven me to make him an 
answer to his mind. Ilowbeit, I would not, but concluded 
thus with him — that I believed therein, and in all other 
things as Christ and His holy apostles did leave them. 
Then he asked me why I had so few words. I answered, 
' God hath given me the gift of knowledge, but not of 
utterance ; and Solomon saith that a woman of few words 
is the gift of God.' " Other charges were discussed with 
the bishop, which admitting of explanation or denial were 
candidly answered. Thus he asked her if she had said that 
there were bent against her three-score priests at Lincoln. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 13 

" Indeed, quoth I, I said so — and my friends told me, if I 
did come to Lincoln, the priests would assault me, and put 
me to great trouble. Therefore, as they had made the 
boast, when I heard it I went thither, not being afraid, 
because I knew my matter to be good. Moreover I 
remained there nine da} r s to see what would be said unto 
me. And as I was in the Minster, reading upon the Bible, 
they resorted unto me by two and two, by five and by six, 
minding to have spoken unto me, yet went their ways again 
without words speaking. 

" Then my lord asked if there were not one that did 
speak unto me. I told him yes, there was one of them at 
last who did speak to me indeed. My lord asked me what 
he said. And I told him his words were of small effect, so 
that I did not now remember them. Then said my lord : 
' There are many that read and know the Scripture, yet 
follow it not, nor live thereafter.' I said again, ' My lord, 
I would wish that all men knew my conversation and living 
in all points ; for I am myself sure this hour that there are 
none able to prove any dishonesty by me. If you know 
that any can do it, I pray you bring them forth.' Then he 
went away and said he would entitle somewhat of my 
meaning ; so he wrote a great circumstance, but what it was 
I have not all in my memory, for he would not suffer me to 
have a copy thereof. Only I do remember this portion of 
it.—" 

She then recapitulates what she remembered of this paper, 
which was a full declaration of belief in transubstantiation, 
and the reception of the doctrine that whether the officiating 
minister be a good or bad man, all the sacraments of the 
old Catholic Church are holy and regenerating to the 
recipient. 

" He read it to me, and asked me if I did agree to it, and 
I said again, ' I believe so much thereof as the Holy Scrip- 
ture cloth agree unto ; wherefore I desire you that ye add 
that, thereunto.' Then he answered that I should not teach 






14 THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

him what he should write. With that he went forth into 
his great chamber and read the bill before the audience, 
who willed me to set to my hand, saying I had favour shown 
me. The bishop said I might thank others and not myself 
for the favour I had found at his hand, for he considered, 
he said, that I had good friends, and that I came • of a 
worshipful stock. Then he took me the writing to set 
thereto my hand, and I wrote after this manner — ' I, Anne 
Askew, do believe all manner of things Contained in the 
faith of the Catholic Church.' 

'•Because I did add unto it the Catholic Church the 
bishop flung into his chamber in a great fury. With that 
my cousin Brittayne followed, desiring him for God's sake 
to be good unto me. He answered that I was a woman, 
and that he was nothing deceived in me. Then my cousin 
Brittajuie desired him to take me as a woman, and not to 
set my weak woman's wit to his lordship's great wisdom. 

This cousin Brittajme and some others who were present, 
at length appeased the bishop, and in a few daj^s he took 
Brittayne's security, and that of another gentleman, " Mas- 
ter Spilman, of Gray's Inn," and suffered the prisoner to 
go out on bail. 

After this a year passed over, during which time Gard- 
iner, bishop of Winchester, Bonner, bishop of Loudon, and 
others of their stamp, were watching with much apprehen- 
sion the decided interest Queen Catherine Parr took in the 
Protestant reformation. The grandeur of the hierarchy, 
the personal consequence and the revenues of the clergy, 
seemed in greater danger than ever. They determined that 
a stop should be put to the spirit of religious enquiry, 
manifesting itself among the people, and to the discussions 
about church government and principles. They sorely 
repented that they had sanctioned the introduction of the 
English Bible into the cathedral churches for the use of 
the reading public ; and they thought that if they could 
only get the Queen out of the way, they might induce the 



AND TnEIR FRIENDS. 15 

King to have the cathedral Bibles withdrawn, and succeed 
in turning the tide of royal favour in the direction they 
would point out. They dreaded so much her clear head, 
her prudence, and her influence over her capricious husband, 
that nothing short of her destruction would satisfy them. 
But they must needs begin cautiously, and cunningly hide 
the end in view. 

Under these circumstances the bishops again turned their 
attention to Anne Askew, whom they represented as a victim 
of Bible reading. They knew that she was much favoured 
by the Queen and her friends — might they not get some- 
thing out of her that would implicate the ladies of the 
court, perhaps even Queen Catherine herself? They deter- 
mined to try ; and Wriothesley, the Lord Chancellor, who 
was as anxious- to get rid of the Queen as the bishops were, 
went into the horrid plot with his characteristic artful 
cruelty. 

Again, Anne Askew, whom Fuller says was a young lady 
" distinguished for wit, beauty, learning, and religion," was 
seized and imprisoned. Nevertheless, her heart did not 
sink, for it was anchored on the Rock of Ages. Bishop 
Bale has preserved a hymn which she composed and sang 
when she was imprisoned inXewgate. From it the following- 
stanzas are extracted : — 

''Like as the armed knyght, 

Appoynted to the field, 
With tliys world will I fyght, 

And faytlie shall he my shielde. 

"Faythe is that weapon stronge 

Which will not fayle at neeclc ; 
]\Iy foes therefore amonge 

Therewith wyll I procde. 

' ' Faythe in the fathers olde 

Obtayned righteoyseness, 
"Which makes me verye bolde, 

To feare no worlde's distresse. 



lb THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

"I now rejoice in hart, 

And hope byds me do so ; 
For Christ wyll take my part, 
And ease me of my wo. 

"Thou sayst, Lorde, whoso knocke, 

To them wilt thou attende ; 
Undo therefor the locke, 

And Thy strong power sende. 

" On Thee my care I cast, 

For all their cruel spyght ; 
I set not by their hast, 

For Thou art my delyght. 

"I am not shee that lyst 

My anker to lete fall 
For everye dryslyng myst, 

My shippe's substanciall." 

The victim seems to have well understood the characters 
of the two bishops and of the Lord Chancellor, who were 
banded together in the proceedings against her ; and she 
evidently expected neither truth nor justice from them. 
Again she writes to her friend : — 

" The sum of my examinations before the King^s Council 
at Greenwich: 

" Your request concerning my prison-fellows I am not 
able to satisfy, because I heard not their examinations. 
But mine was this : I, being before the Council, was asked 
of Master Kyme. I answered, that my Lord Chancellor 
knew already my mind in that matter. They with that 
answer were not contented, but said it was the King's 
pleasure that I should open the matter to them. I answered 
them plainly that I would not do so, but, if it were the 
King's pleasure to hear me, I would show him the truth. 
They said it was not meet for the King to be troubled with 
me. I answered, that Solomon was reckoned the wisest 
king that ever lived, yet misliked he not to hear two poor 
common women — much more his grace, his simple, faithful 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 17 

subject. So, in conclusion, I made them none other answer 
in that matter." 

The above allusion is evidently to her husband. With 
true womanly propriety she positively refused to open her 
domestic trials before them. She had already told the 
Chancellor her position respecting "Master Kyme," but 
she did not wish to make a public exhibition of his conduct. 
Thus she continues : — 

" Then my Lord Chancellor asked my opinion of the 
Sacrament. My auswer was this : ' I believe that so oft as 
I in a Christian congregation do receive the bread in 
remembrance of Christ's death and with thanksgiving, ac- 
cording to His holy institution, I receive therewith the fruits 
also of His most glorious passion.' The Bishop of Win- 
chester bade me make a direct answer. ' If I show the 
open truth,' quoth I, ' ye will not accept it.' Then he said 
I was a parrot. I told him again I was ready to suffer all 
things at bis hands — not only his rebukes, but all that 
slroultl follow besides. 

" I had divers rebukes of the Council because I would 
not express my mind in all things as they would have me. 
But they were not in the meantime unanswered, for all that 
— which now to rehearse were too much, for I was with 
them there about five hours. Then the clerk of the Council 
convejed me from thence to nay Lady Garnish. The next 
day I was brought again before the Council. Then would 
they neeas knows of me what I said to the Sacrament. 
I answered, that I already had said what I could say. Then 
came my Lord Lisle, my Lord Essex, and the Bishop of 
AVinchester, requiring me earnestly that I should confess 
the Sacrament to be flesh, blood, and bone. . I said to my 
Lord Parre and my Lord Lisle that it was a great shame 
for them to counsel contrary to their knowledge. The 
Bishop (Gardiner of Winchester) said he would speak with 
me familiarly. I said, so did Judas when he betrayed 
Christ. Then desired the Bishop to speak with me 



18 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

alone. But I refused. He asked me why. I said that 
in the mouth of two or three witnesses every matter should 
stand, after Christ's and. Paul's doctrine. Then the Lord 
Chancellor began again to examine me of the Sacrament. 
I asked him, how long he would halt on both sides. He 
needs would know where I found that. I said in the 
Scriptures. Then the bishop said I should be burned. I 
answered, that I had searched all the Scriptures, yet could 
I never find that either Christ or His apostles put any 
creature to death. 

" Then came Master Paget to me with many glorious 
words and desired me to speak my mind unto him. I might, 
he said, deny it again if need were. I said I would not 
deny the truth. He asked me how I could avoid the very 
words of Christ — ' Take, eat, this is My body which shall 
be broken for you?' I answered, that Christ's meaning 
was there, as in these other places of Scripture — ' I am the 
door ' — 'Behold the Lamb of God ' — the rock — the stone — 
only figured by these things. Ye may not here, said I, take 
Christ for the material thing that He is signified by; for 
these would make Him in that way a very door, a vine, a 
lamb, a stone, clean contrary to the Holy Ghost's meaning. 
All these do but signify Christ — like as the bread doth 
signify His body in that place. And though He did say 
there, ' Take, eat this in remembrance of Me,' yet He did 
not bid them hang up the bread in a box, and make it a 
god to bow to it. 

" Then they made me a bill of the Sacrament, willing me 
to set my hand thereunto ; bub I would not. On Sunday 
I was sore sick, thinking no less than to die — therefore I 
desired to speak with Master Latimer, but it would not be. 
I was sent to Newgate in my extremity of sickness, for in 
all my life afore I was never in such pain. The Lord 
strengthen you in the truth — pray — pray — pray." 

The declaration of Bishop Gardiner before the Council 
of Greenwich to Anne Askew, that she should be burned, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. l'J 

intimated her final doom unless she would recant and give 
information about others. They still hoped that, as the 
time for her painful death approached, she would shrink 
from it in a moment of weakness and terror. Therefore 
another opportunity was afforded her. In this instance, as 
in the former, she had no one to plead her cause, and no 
jury to decide her case. On this occasion, there were also 
coudemned three men, similaidy accused of refusing to sub- 
scribe to the doctrine of transubstantiation. One of these 
was John Lacels, her former tutor ; another had been a 
Romish priest ; and the third was a poor artisan. Her own 
account of what passed is as follows : — 

" Tlie sum of the condemnation of me, Anne Askciu, at the 
Guildhall:— 

" They said to me there that I was a heretic, and con- 
demned by the law, if I would stand iu my opinion. I 
answered that I was no heretic, neither yet deserved I death 
by the law of God. But as concerning the faith which I 
uttered and wrote to the Council, I would net, I said, 
deny it, because I knew it true. Then would they needs 
know if I would deny the Sacrament to be Christ's body 
and blood. I said, yea; for the same Son of God that 
was born of the Yirgin Mary is now glorious in Heaven, 
and will come again from thence at the lat c er day like 
as He went up. And as for that ye call your god, it 
is a piece of bread. For more proof thereof, mark it when 
you list, let it but lie in the box three months, and it will 
be mouldy, and so turn to nothing that is good. Where- 
upon I am persuaded that it cannot be God. 

" After that they willed me to have a priest ; and then I 
smiled. Then they asked me if it were not good. I said 
I would confess my faults unto God, for I was sure that Ho 
would hear me with favour. And so we were condemned 
without a quest." 

After her condemnation, she wrote the following letter 
to the Kino; : — 



20 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" My faith, briefly written to the King's Grace. 

" I, Anne Askew, of good memory, although God hath 
given me the bread of adversity and the water of trouble, 
yet not so much as my sins have deserved, desire this to 
be known to your Grace, that forasmuch as I am by the 
law condemned for an evil-doer, here I take heaven and 
earth to record, that I shall die in my innocency, and ac- 
cording to that I have said first, and will say last, I utterly 
abhor and detest all heresies. As concerning the Supper 
of the Lord, I believe so much as Christ hath said therein, 
which He confirmed with His most blessed blood. I believe 
also so much as He willed me to follow, and believe so 
much as the Catholic Church of Him doth teach : for I will 
not forsake the commandment of His holy lips. But look, 
what God hath charged me with His mouth, that have I 
shut up in my heart. And thus briefly I end for lack of 
learning. 

"Anne Askew." 

This letter was entrusted to the Lord Chancellor for 
presentation to the King. If it reached his hand, it was 
unavailing. But the sustaining faith and cheerfulness of 
the devoted Christian, who thus appealed to him, was such 
as nothing human could have imparted. So also the spirit 
of forgiveness which she manifested. Her feelings are 
expressively pourtrayed in the following stanzas, composed 
about this time in Newgate : — 

' ' Not oft used I to wryght 
In prose nor yet in ryme, 
Yet will I shewe one syght 
That I saw in my tyme. 

' ' I saw a ryall ti one, 

Where justyce shold have sytt, 
But in her stede was one 
Of modye cruell wytt. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 21 

"Absorbt was right wysnesse, 
As of the ragynge floude, 
Sathan, in hys excesse, 

Sucte up the gyltelesse blonde. 

"Then, thought I, Jesus Lorde, 
When Ti ou shalt judge us all, 
Harde is it to recorde 

On these men what wyll fall. 

"Yet, Lorde, I Thea desyre, 
For that they do to me, 
Let them not taste the hyre 
Of their inyquyty." 

When Wriothesley and Gardiner failed to frighten their 
victim into recantation by the threat of the stake, or by 
cross-questioning her, to lead her unconsciously to impli- 
cate others, they determined on trying the rack. They 
thought that prolonged agony might extort revelations 
which might bear on the Queen's household, or on the 
Queen herself. Her account of the proceedings shows that 
her previous means of maintenance had been cut oif after 
her last imprisonment. 

" The effect of my examination and handling since my 
departure from Newgate: — 

" On Tuesday I was sent from Newgate to the sign of 
the Crown, where Master Rich and the bishop of London, 
with all their power and flattering words, went about to 
persuade me from God ; but I did not esteem their glosing 
pretences. 

" Then came there to me Nicholas Shaxton, and counselled 
me to recant as he had done. I said to him that it had 
been good for him never to have been born, with many 
other like words. Then Master Rich sent me to the Tower, 
where I remained till three o'clock. Rich and one of the 
council charged me upon my obedience, to show them if I 
knew any man or woman of mjr sect. My answer was that 
I knew none. Then they asked me of my lady Suffolk, my 



22 THE FELLS OP SWARTHM00R HALL, 

lady of Hertford, my lady Denny, and my lady Fitzwilliam, 
to "which I answered if I should pronounce anything against 
them, that I were not able to prove it. Then said they 
unto me, that the King was informed that I could name, if 
I would, a great number of my sect. I answered that the 
King was as well deceived in that behalf as dissembled 
with in other matters. 

" They commanded me to show how I was maintained 
in the Compter, and who willed mo to stick to my opinions. 
I said there was no creature that therein did strengthen 
me, and, as for the help I had in the Compter, it was by 
means of my maid. For as she went abroad in the streets, 
she made moan to the 'prentices, and they, by her, did send 
me monej 7 , but who they were I never knew. 

" Then they said that there were divers gentlewomen that 
gave me money ; but I knew not their names. And they 
said there were divers ladies that sent me money. I an- 
swered that there was a man in a blue coat who delivered 
me ten shillings, and said that my lady Hertford sent it to 
me ; and another in a violet coat gave me eight shillings, 
and said my lady Denny sent it to me ; whether it were 
true or not I cannot tell, for I am not sure who sent it to 
me, but as the maid did say. They said there were of the 
council that did maintain me, and I said no. 

" Then they put me on the rack, because I confessed no 
ladies or gentlewomen to be of my opinion, and thereupon 
they kept me a long while ; and because I lay still, and did 
not cry, my Lord Chancellor and Master Rich took pains 
to rack me with their own hands, till I was nigh dead. 
The lieutenant caused me to be loosed from the rack. In- 
continently I swooned, but they recovered me again. 

" After that I sat two long hours reasoning with my Lord 
Chancellor, upon the bare floor ; where ho, with many 
flattering words, persuaded me to leave my opinions. But 
the Lord my God (I thank His everlasting goodness), gave 
me grace to persevere, and will do, I hope, to the very end. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 23 

" Then I -was brought to a house and laid in a bed, with 
as weary aud painful bones as ever had patient Job; I 
thank my Lord God, thereiore. Then my Lord Chancellor 
seut me word, if I would leave my opinions, I should want 
nothing, but if I would not, I should forthwith again to 
Newgate and so be burned. I sent him word that I would 
rather die than break my faith. 

" Thus, Lord, open the e3'es of their blind hearts that the 
truth may take place. 

" Farewell, dear friend ; and pray, pray, pray." 

The account given by Foxe of the prisoner's cruel treat- 
ment in the Tower, adds a few particulars not stated above. 
He says : " First she was let down into a dungeon where 
Sir Anthony Knevet, the lieutenant, commanded his jailor 
to pinch her with the rack. Which being done as much as 
he thought sufficient, he went about to take her down, sup- 
posing that he had done enough. But Wriothesley, the 
Chancellor, not contented that she was loosed so soon, 
confessing nothing, commanded the lieutenant to strain 
her again ; which because he denied to do, tendering the 
weakness of the woman, he was threatened therefore griev- 
ously of the said Wriothesle}', saying that he would signify 
his disobedience to the King. And so consequently upon 
the same he and Master Rich, throwing off their gowns, 
would need play the tormentors themselves. Quietly and 
patiently, praying unto the Lord, she abode their tyranny 
till her bones and joints were almost plucked asunder in 
such sort as she was carried away in a chair. When the 
racking was past, Wriothesley and his fellow took their 
horses towards the court. 

" In the meantime while they were making their way by 
land, the good lieutenant, eftsoon taking boat, sped him to 
the court in all haste, to speak with the King before the 
others, r.nd so did ; making his humble suit to the King he 
desired his pardon, and showed him the whole matter as it 



24 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

stood, of the racking of Mistress Askew, and how he was 
threatened by the Lord Chancellor because, not knowing 
his Highness' pleasure, he refused to rack her, which he for 
compassion could not fiud in his heart to do, and therefore 
humbly craved his Highness' pardon. Which when the King 
had understood, he seemed not very well to like of their so 
extreme handling of the woman, and also granted to the 
lieutenant his pardon, willing him to return and see his 
charge. Great expectation was in the mean season among 
the warders and other officers of the Tower, waiting for his 
return ; whom when they saw coming so cheerfully, declaring 
unto them how he had sped with the King, they were not 
a little joyous, and gave thanks to God therefore." When 
they heard the particulars of Sir Anthony Knevet's inter- 
view with the King, it appears they .expected he would 
grant the poor tortured victim a free pardon, without any 
more punishment being inflicted. In that expectation they 
were utterly mistaken. 

The report of Mrs. Askew having been placed on the rack 
after condemnation, soon became public, and was received 
with such ill-suppressed indignation, that the bishops and 
the Chancellor became alarmed. Therefore they put into 
print the declaration that had been presented to Ann Askew 
for her signature, during her first imprisonment, which they 
declared she had signed ; and they said they had only 
placed her on the rack a little while now, to frighten her 
into a similar course in order to save her life again. On 
hearing this her friend John Lacels,also under sentence of 
condemnation, wrote to her, and she answered thus : — ■ 

Anne Askew to John Lacels. 
" Oh friend, most dearly-beloved in God, I marvel not a 
little what should move you to judge in me so slender a 
faith as to fear death, which is the end of all miseiy. In 
the Lord I desire you not to believe of me such wicked- 
ness ; for I doubt it not, God will perform His work in me 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 25 

like as He hath begun. I understand the Council is not a 
little displeased that it should he reported abroad that I 
■was racked in the Tower. They say now that what they 
did there was but to fear me ; whereby I perceive they are 
ashamed of their uncomely doings, and fear much least the 
King's majesty should have information thereof. Where- 
fore they would no man to noise it. Well ! their cruelty, 
God forgive them I 

" Your heart in Christ Jesus, 

" Farewell, and pray." 

The public she also informed by the following letter : — 
" Answer of Anne Askew against the false surmises of 
her recantation. 

" I have read the process which is reported to be my 
recantation. But, as the Lord liveth, I never meant a 
thing less than to recant. Notwithstanding this, I confess 
that in my first trouble I was examined of the Bishop of 
London about the Sacrament, yet they had no grant of my 
mouth but this : that I believe therein as the Word of God 
did bind me to believe. More had they never of me. 
Then he made a cop}*, which is now in print, and required 
me to set thereunto my hand ; but I refused it. At last I 
wrote — ' I, Anne Askew, do believe this, if God's Word do 
agree to the same, and the true Catholic Church.' Then 
the Bishop, being in great displeasure with me because I 
made doubts in my writing, commanded me to prison again, 
where I was awhile, but afterwards, \>y means of friends, I 
came out again. Here is the truth of that matter. And 
concerning the thing that ye covet most to know, resort 
to John vi., and be ruled always thereby. 

" Thus fare ye well, quoth 

"Anne A skew. " 

She again, in full terms, wrote a confession of her faith 
before the hour arrived when she was conducted to the 
stake ; but as the substance of that confession has over and 



26 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

over been enunciated in other declarations quoted, I do not 
insert it. She also wrote a prayer, which is as follows : — 

" Lord ! I have more enemies now than there be hairs 
on my head : yet, Lord, let them never overcome me with 
vain words, but fight them, Lord, in my stead ; for on Thee 
cast I my care. With all the spite tbey can imagine, they 
fall upon me, who am Thy poor creature. Yet, sweet Lord, 
let me not set by them that are against me ; for in Thee is 
my delight. And, Lord, I heartily desire of Thee, that Thou 
wilt, of Thy most merciful goodness, forgive them that 
violence which they do, and have done, unto me. Open also 
Thou their blind hearts, that they -may hereafter do that 
thing in Thy sight, which is only acceptable before Thee, 
and to set forth Thy verity aright, without all vain fantasies 
of sinful men. So be it, O Lord ! so be it. 

" By me, Anne Askew.'' 

A sense of the Lord's presence and heavenly comfort 
filled her heart to an extent that totally banished fear, as 
the day and the hour approached when the flames were to 
destroy her earthly tabernacle. " I saw her," said Mr. 
Loud, tutor to Sir Richard Southwell, ""and must needs 
confess of Mrs. Askew, now departed to the Lord, that the 
day afore her execution, and the same day also, she had on 
an angel's countenance, and a smiling face ; though, when 
the hour of darkness came, she was so racked that she could 
not stand, but was holden up between two Serjeants." 

The time chosen for the close of the tragedy was evening, 
so that the scene, as night approached, should become more 
terrific. We shall give, in the words of Foxe the martyrolo- 
gist, the last details. He says : — " Now it remaineth that 
we touch somewhat concerning the end and martyrdom 01 
this good woman. She being born of such stock and 
kindred, that she might have lived in great wealth and 
prosperity, if she would rather have followed the world than 
Christ, had been so tormented that she could neither live 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 2? 

lor:g in so great distress, neither j-et be suffered by her 
adversaries to die in secret. The day of her execution being 
appointed, she was brought into Smithfield in a chair 
because she could not go on her feet. When she was 
brought unto the stake, she was tied by the middle with a 
chain that held up her body. When all things were thus 
prepared, Dr. Shaxton, who was appointed to preach, began 
his sermon. Anne Askew, hearing and answering unto him 
where he said well, confirming the same ; where he said 
amiss,' There,' said she,' he speaketh contrary to the Book.' 

" The sermon being finished, the martyrs standing there, 
tied at three several stakes, ready to their martyrdom, began 
their prayers. The multitude of the people was exceeding 
— the place where they stood being railed to keep out the 
press. Upon the bench under St. Bartholomew's Church 
sat Wriothesley, Chancellor of England, the old Duke of 
Norfolk, the old Earl of Bedford, the Lord Mayor, with 
divers others. Before the fire should be set unto them, one 
of the bench, hearing that they had gunpowder about them, 
and being alarmed lest the faggots by strength of the 
powder would come flying about their ears, began to be 
afraid. But the Earl of Bedford declared unto him how 
the gunpowder was not laid under the faggots, but only 
about their bodies, to rid them quickly of their pain ; so 
diminished that fear. 

" Then Wriotheslej^, the Lord Chancellor, sent to Anne 
Askew letters offering her the King's pardon if she would 
recant ; refusing to look upon them, she made this answer, 
' I came not hither to deny my Lord and Master.' Then 
were the letters likewise offered unto the others, who in 
like manner following the constancy of the woman, denied 
not only to receive them, but also to look upon them. 
Whereupon the Lord Mayor, commanding fire to be put 
unto them, cried with a loud voice, ' Fiat justitia.' And 
thus died the good Anne Askew, with these blessed martyrs ; 
being compassed in with flames of fire, she slept in the 



28 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Lord, leaving behind a singular example of Christian con- 
stancy for all men to follow." 

Anne Askew's martyrdom occurred on the 26th of July, 
1546, in the twenty-fifth year of her age. Her tutor, John 
Lacels, was one of the three men who suffered at the same 
time. Foxe saj'S : — " It happened well for them that they ; 
d ied together with Mrs. Askew ; for albeit that of themselves 
they were strong and stout men, yet through the exhortation 
and example of her, being emboldened, they received the 
greater comfort in that painful kind of death. Beholding 
her invincible constancy, and being stirred up through her 
persuasions, they did set apart all kind of fear." 



CHAPTER III. 

Origin and Developments op Quakerism— Its Influence on 
National Laws — Moral and Religious Results. 

In the century that elapsed between the martyrdom of 
Anne Askew and the bitter persecution of the Quakers, in 
which her Swarthmoor descendants were so much involved, 
some advancement had been made in the public mind of 
England, respecting civil and religious liberty. The author- 
ities, ecclesiastical and civil, had lost all claim and legal 
power to condemn any persons to death for the religious or 
irreligious opinions they held. This was a great stride 
from the time when the Kelsey martj-r and her companions 
at the stake were condemned without a jury, the King con- 
firming the proceeding. Yet there still remained so much 
of darkness and ignoi'ance of the principles that should 
regulate human rights, that some further great event 
seemed necessary to facilitate their development. 

That political earthquake, the English revolution, which 
in the early half of the seventeenth century shook the estab- 
lished order of things in Church and State to the very centre. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 20 

had its mission in that development. It brought in its train 
both evil and good. The spirit of war and party strife 
seemed to spread everywhere. When these hud brought 
forth their natural fruits, and inany serious minds were 
looking around in dismay on the moral devastation ever 
wrought by such agencies, the standard of truth, and peace, 
and Christian love was unexpectedly raised in their midst. 
It was raised by a band of dauntless reformers, who 
denounced all war as anti-christian. These were the 
" Friends of Truth" as they called themselves, or, as the 
people first named them, the " Children of Light," but 
eventually the popular voice exchanged this beautiful name 
for that of" Quakers."* 

During these boisterous times, the British Protestant 
people formed three great sections, parti}- political, partly 
religious, each proclaiming the faults of the others, and 
demanding the reformation of such abuses as were not 
near or dear to itself. They had one common point of 
union— hatred to popery — but were divided on other points 
of religion and government. Soon, from hating the 
Papists, they began to hate one another. It is evident 
that each party required chastening, and each in its turn 
was chastened ; its own extravagance naturally led to this. 
High profession of religious faith, and strict ritual obser- 

* The name " Children of Light" was given them because they 
so often called on their hearers, in the words of the Apostle Paul, 
to "walk as children of light," and to bring all their actions and 
plans to the light of truth, in allusion to the words of the Lord 
Jesus : — " He that doeth truth cometh to the light that his deeds 
may he m :.de manifest that they are wrought in Grod. ' ' And again : — 
"While ye have light, believe in the light that ye may be the 
children of light, " &c, <&c. The name " Quaker, ' ' which eventually 
superseded the former, was first given them in derision by Justice 
Bennet, of Derby, ;'n 1650, when George Fox tjld him he should 
"tremble at the word of the Lord." Bennst, jestingly playing on 
the word tremble, applied to him the term quaker, and giving cur- 
rency to it, the people took it up. 



30 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

varices, were to be found in each of the three sections; but 
what did they avail in restraining human passions, when 
the " charity that surFereth long and is kind " was swamped 
by party strife ? The practical Christianity of the nation 
was imperiled to the utmost by bitter animosity and the 
spirit of revenge. Neither the Episcopalians, the Inde- 
pendents, nor Presbyterians, were men of peace. Each of 
their Chui'ches, where it had power, persecuted the other 
for not conforming to its religious rites. Hence, though 
absolute martyrdom was nominally excluded, persecution 
became the order of the day, religious toleration was 
unknown. 

At that crisis the Friends came boldly forward as they 
believed at the call of their divine Lord, publicly to advo- 
cate the great Gospel principles, which were obscured by 
the violence of human passions then agitating all the 
Churches and the government of the nation. They not 
only preached complete religious toleration, but the utter 
irreconcilability of war with Christianity. They main- 
tained that ifc should be the chief aim of all who claimed 
to be disciples of the Lord Jesus, to seek truly to under- 
stand and to obey His commands on every point. They 
declared that liberty to worship God according to the 
dictates of the conscience and the religious feelings, was 
the inherent right of every mind, so far as it did not inter- 
fere with the personal rights of others. Doctrinally they 
held that regeneration, which alone can enable man to live 
in unison with the commandments of his Lord, is produced 
by spiritual baptism — the baptism of the Holy Ghost. 
That this spiritual baptism is synonymous with what is 
implied by the figurative expression, " Born again," without 
which, the Saviour declares, "A man cannot see the king- 
dom of God." That he who experiences this saving bap- 
tism will manifest a change in the feelings of his heart, 
and in the conduct of his life. No other baptism could 
they realize. That by the regenerated Christian, love, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 31 

peace, and holiness will be sought after, cherished, and 
strengthened, till ultimately they will take the place of 
bitterness, war, and persecution. They held that the 
rightly qualified Gospel preacher must be sensible of a 
call to the work by Christ the Great High Priest, and 
endowed by Him with a mensure of the Holy Spirit that 
would guide him in his ministry. They abjured all assump- 
tion of a human priesthood being warranted under the 
Christian dispensation, and with that they rejected all 
right to claim tithe from the people for the support of a 
priesthood. 

The above doctrines were set forth, not O'nly with the 
religious energy c6mmon to the age, but they were preached 
and enunciated by George Fox and his coadjutors, under 
the deepest conviction that the Lord had sent them forth 
as messengers for the further reformation and more 
thorough conversion of the nations. The Friends believed 
in their inmost souls that whether life or death, liberty or 
imprisonment, were their own portion, these Gospel prin- 
ciples would live and spread, till they had obtained posses- 
sion of all the earth ; and they held themselves prepared to 
start on religious missions to any or every quarter of the 
world for their propagation. Absorbed in and strength- 
ened by such convictions, they seemed to lose all fear of 
man, and only to think of obedience to the Lord Jesus, 
and watching for the pointings of the Holy Spirit mani- 
fested in their souls. Thus they went forth on their great 
mission, to preach to all nations as the Spirit gave them 
utterance. France, Belgium, Holland, Germany, Italy, 
Venice, Turkey, Egypt, the West Indies, and North 
America, heard the voices of these Quaker preachers 
within the lifetime of George Fox. At home they were 
to be seen traversing their native land on all sides, 
addressing the people in the market-places, in the open 
fields, by the waysides, and in the churches and chapels 
after appointed service had closed. Thus were they 



32 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

engaged, in season and out of season, advocating the 
spirituality of the Gospel of Christ, and practical Christi- 
anity in contrast to the prevalent ritualism and an inoper- 
ative faith. 

Many of them were comparatively uneducated men, and 
it is easy to understand how uncomfortable such preaching 
as theirs would be to all who could not sympathise with 
the doctrines they so uncompromisingly maintained. As 
they denounced much that prevailed in the three great 
religious sections, they had, of course, numerous enemies 
in them all. But scattered among the multitude were 
others who responded with joy and gladness to the spirit- 
uality, the purity, the unswerving truthfulness, and the 
Christian love, that their lives and their preaching mani- 
fested. With all the earnestness conferred l>y recently- 
awakened spiritual perceptions, many of these converts 
gave up bright worldly prospects to devote their time, 
and talents, to a reformation which they believed was to 
quicken religious life, and purify the morals of the world. 
From a small number they soon became a great host. In 
such an earnest multitude, of course there were some 
fanatics ; but their extravagances, though occasionally 
flashing out, were disapproved of, and eventually were 
toned down by their more soberminded brethren. 

Among the clergy of each party there were a few who 
resigned their livings, and with all sincerity and devoted- 
ness joined the Friends. Bat generalby, and very 
naturally, they who pleaded for apostolic succession, for 
the regenerating efficacy of water baptism, or for a human 
Christian priesthood, claiming as a Divinely-conferred 
right tithes to sustain it, were greatly incensed to see the 
boldness with which such claims were withstood as anti- 
christian. Hence, when they could not preach down "the 
Children of Light," they sought occasions for starting an 
unrelenting persecution against them in the law-courts. 
A severe law had been enacted against blasphemy some 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 33 

time before the Friends arose, which, assigned imprison- 
ment, flogging, and other mutilations, as its punishments. 
It was, therefore, of blasphemy these Reformers were 
accused; and, strange to say, under the pretence of blas- 
phemy, great numbers of these devoted men and women 
at first were imprisoned and flogged. But soon their 
persecutors discovered another and a more palpable point 
of attack in connexion with the oath of allegiance. 

The Friends, as before stated, having declared for obe- 
dience in all things to the precepts of the Saviour, and to 
the spirit of His teaching, solemnly took their stand on the 
commandment of the Lord, " Swear not at all." Unflinch- 
ingly they preached up the Gospel doctrine — truth in all 
things, but no swearing. They maintained that no room is 
left fur other reasoning than that God must be obeyed 
rather than man. " Above all things, my brethren, swear 
not at all ; neither by heaven, neither by the earth, neither 
by any other oath ; but let your yea, be yea, and your nay 
nay." Thus the apostle 'taught in conformity with the 
command of his Lord, and thus the Friends acted. This 
religious scruple against swearing, ultimately became the 
chief means used to secure their imprisonment. Nothing 
else was found so effectual through which to punish and 
incarcerate them, as an accusation of doubtful loyalty 
before a magistrate, and then getting the oaths of allegiance 
and supremacy tendered. On declining to swear, they 
were, according to law, presumed to be disloyal, and were 
hence often condemned to be imprisoned for life, and to 
have all their worldly possessions forfeited. Thousands of 
the Quakers whose lo}'alty was never really doubted, were 
thus deprived of their property on a quibbling construction 
of law, and cast into the abominable jails of the country, 
where the lives of great numbers were sacrificed to the 
pestilential atmosphere of those miserable dens. These 
Quaker persecutions extended, more or less, over a period 
of forty years, during which time 369 died in the prisons 



34 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOll HALL, 

of Great Britain, beside the multitudes whose lives were 
cut short by imprisonment, though not actually dying 
there. 

As it often happened that Quaker imprisonments were 
preceded by prolonged defence in open Court, the discus- 
sion of the points at issue gave opportunity to the accused 
for explaining the principles on which they acted. It was 
but seldom that they employed counsel to plead for them, 
usually preferring in Court to defend their own cause in 
their own way. It is evident, however, that they must 
often have had legal advisers whom they consulted pri- 
vately ; for they were systematically in the habit of taking 
legal exception to every important point that appeared 
exceptionable in the proceedings. Kothing was allowed 
to pass unargued that had not law to sustain it : and when 
the law was an unjust one, or where its original meaning 
was perverted to serve a wrong purpose, it was exhibited 
in its real colours. That continued exposure of unjust and 
oppressive laws, and of unjust administration, had its 
influence in awakening the best portion of the public mind 
to a consciousness of the necessity that existed for their 
abolition, or for securing their improvement and right 
administration. Of course such public trials tended to 
make the principles of the " Friends of Truth " all the 
better known. Thus was their faithfulness to Christian 
conscience in holding to the commands of their Saviour, 
made through legal and illegal persecution all the more 
conspicuous. Therefore, so long as such persecutions 
lasted, the EriendSj as a people, continued to increase 
throughout the three kingdoms ; but especially in England. 
Earnest, resolute, conscientious men and women came from 
every point of the compass to share their persecutions for 
" The Truth," and to sustain their ranks. From amid the 
clergy,' from the nobility and gentr}^, from the learned pro- 
fessions, from the Cromwellian officers, and also from the 
royalists ; from the common soldiers, from the artizan 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 60 

classes, and from the English yeomamy — they gathered 
around that standard erected by the Friends to the spiritu- 
ality of Divine wors lip and obedience to Christ in all 
things. On such ground they all met as friends and 
brethren who loved, cherished, and aided one another to 
the utmost. During that first half-century of their existence, 
the Quakers present such an example of a conscientiously 
peaceful and patient, yet bold, persevering, and unconquer- 
able body of persecuted reformers, as has had no parallel 
since the early ages of the Christian Church. Their suf- 
ferings were great, but so were their consolations. 

Quaker ideas of just legislation wherein the precepts of 
the Lord Jesus form the great basis of national law, were 
practically exemplified in the government of New Jersey 
and Pennsylvania, whilst these provinces were owned, 
legislated for, and ruled by the Friends. How much a 
right comprehension of the principles of civil and religious 
liberty in England was promoted by their practical exem- 
plification in these Transatlantic colonies, and also by tho 
opposition which at home unjust and intolerant laws 
encountered from the Society of Friends, has never been 
duly estimated by the British public. The English nation 
is not aware how much it owes to the Quakers of the 
seventeenth century, for some of the acknowledged lights, 
that are now the glory and the pride of the nation. This 
ma} r , perhaps, be accounted for by the fact, that of all 
people in Christendom the Friends, as a body, have been 
most backward in claiming honour from the world for 
anything of that kind. If it comes to them spontaneously, 
they recognize its truthfulness, but do not seek fur it. 
Their accustomed view has been — ''Our ancestors were but 
instruments in the hand of God. They were guided by the 
Spirit of Truth in those pleadings, and in that legislation, 
in as far as it was good ; therefore the glory is the Lord's, 
not ours." The philanthropic operations of the Friends in 
the present day are regarded by the religious part of the 



35 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Society in the same way. They are constrained by the 
precepts of their Divine Lord, and by the love with which 
He has filled their hearts, to aid the suffering poor, to visit 
and instruct the imprisoned culprit, to teach the ignorant, 
to strive to undo the heavy burdens, and let the oppressed 
go free ; thus using in their Master's service the talents 
committed to them by Him. But to claim honour from 
men for so doing, they conceive would be taking to them- 
selves what belongs to their Heavenly Father, whose love 
constrains them, and whose commands they should strive to 
carry out. That is the prevailing utterance of the religious 
part of the Quaker mind ; and most fully does the writer, in 
principle and in heart, go with that feeling. Nevertheless, 
it has its danger in another direction — they may be silent, 
and therefore misunderstood by the world. Modern Friends 
may often have contented themselves with quiet philan- 
thropic action, without sufficiently holding up before the 
world the Christian principle which produces that action. 
It is not the glorification of the sect, nor of the individuals 
who compose the sect, that the writer would wish for. Far 
be it from any of us to desire for the Society any position 
that would lead to self-exaltation, for that would be worse 
and worse; but herein, as elsewhere, the grace of God is 
sufficient to guard us if we look for it, and if we do not 
look for it we go astray on one side or the other. Who 
docs not know that the love of public praise, so inherent 
in our nature, often proves a most dangerous snare to the 
Christian, if it gets an undue hold of his heart? May the 
Lord preserve us from its perverting influence, both indi- 
vidually and collective!}' ! "Without His aid and His bless- 
ing being prayerfully sought, we are liable to err on the 
right hand or on the left. But for the candle which the 
Lord has lighted, and which should give light to a great 
household, to be hidden under a bushel, would be contrary 
to our Saviour's teaching. 

It does not appear that the Quakers of the seventeenth 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 37 

century contemplated any such circumstance as the estab- 
lishment of a sectarian costume, when they taught the 
necessit}' of avoiding the extreme changeableness and ex- 
travagance of fashion. Their testimony was to simplicity 
in dress, and a wise occupation of all our talents, with the 
avoidance of what was calculated to foster vanity and pride. 
Yet, living so much apart from the great world as most of 
their descendants did, it is no matter of surprise that a 
peculiar costume crept in, and eventually established itself. 
In fact, a little world arose within their own pale, with its 
duties, its tastes, its refinements, and social habits, which 
harmonized with the Societ}*'s principles, and to which 
many of us are still closely attached ; but there are many 
others who do not regard the external peculiarities which 
have long marked the Friends as now truly representing 
the principles in which they formerly originated. Let us 
look a little further into that origin. 

Xot only did the early Friends enforce by their own 
example truthfulness of spirit, but systematically and 
dauntlessly setting themselves to examine the prevalent 
language of their own times, including the original definition 
of titles of courtesy and compliment, they found before 
them a wide field for reformation in verbal truthfulness, on 
which they fearlessly entered. We must remember that 
two centuries ago in the current language of the English 
people, when an equal was addressing an equal, or in 
speaking to one of inferior rank, thee and thou were used, 
instead of, as at present, the plural pronoun you. But when 
addressing a person of higher rank, the singular pronouns 
were entirely abandoned, and the plural you substituted, 
with a complimentary idea that the rich or great man 
embodied in his person a consequence equal to two or more 
ordinary individuals. This form of speech could in nowise 
be reconciled with the Friends' standard of strict truthful- 
ness. The} T argued that it was not only a false assumption, 
but that it originated in and fostered pride, and must, 



38 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

therefore, be abandoned. Then the prevalent titles of 
courtesy and compliment, judged by the same verbal 
standard of derivation, were also condemned as untruthful. 
To legal bond fide titles no such objection was entertained, 
of course it was only to their assumption without right. 
Yet further— the names of the days of the week, and most 
of those of the months of the year, having been given in 
honour of Pagan deities, were likewise discarded, and the 
Scriptural nomenclature substituted. From all this process 
of verbal purification resulted that peculiar style of lan- 
guage and address that has for two hundred years distin- 
guished the Society of Friends. 

In the present day we all know that it is not usual to use 
thee and thou to the poor man any more than to the rich, 
and therefore the Friends' objection on that point, which 
rested on principle two centuries ago, may now have less 
ground to stand on. We are also aware that the meaning 
or idea intended to be conveyed, and likely to be deduced 
from the words used, is that by which we are really to 
judge the truthfulness of an address. Hence, verbal crit- 
icism, such as that exercised by the Friends, may be, and 
may have been formerly, pushed to some extreme by minds 
religiously intent on testing every utterance by their stan- 
dard of truthfulness. Yet that professing Christians, as 
well as society at large, required a rebuke for flattery to the 
rich and great, and for insincerity both in word and deed, 
and that the scrupulousness of the Friends, in all its sim- 
plicity, and its plain, deep truthfulness, was calculated to 
administer such rebuke — who can doubt ? 

There was nothing which brought more abuse on those 
scrupulous reformers in the early years of the Society, 
than the idea they took up about uncovering the head 
being an avowal of worship. As an act indicating adora- 
tion they maintained it should only be practised in their 
approaches to Deity. The uncovering of the head, and 
the bowing of the knee, they regarded as acts of worship 



AND TLIEI.I1 FRIENDS. 39 

due to God, and to be reserved for Him alone. Nothing 
connected with external observances took a deeper hold of 
the Quaker mind than these scruples, and when once the 
views about these acts being not merely indicative of 
respect but of adoration, had taken firm hold of their, 
minds, we cannot wonder at the tenacity with which they 
refused to comply with the common practices. Contempt 
and abuse of all kinds were heaped on them for appearing 
before magistrates and judges with their hats on. In vain 
they explained that they did not mean it disrespectfully, 
but that they held uncovering the head to be a mark of rev- 
erence due onl^y to the Almighty. Many of them were from 
time to time hurried away and cast into prison fur con- 
tempt of court, without any other crime being proved 
against them. The abominable prisons where they were so 
often incarcerated with the lowest felons, and where the 
lives of so many victims were sacrificed, were very dread- 
ful to persons accustomed in their own homes to the 
utmost cleanliness — but still they persevered in this, which 
they regarded as a testimony against human pride. 

The reader unacquainted with the Society of Friends 
may ask : — " In what has all that scrupulous care taken by 
its founders about acting in accordance with the Gospel 
requisitions of truthfulness resulted ? What palpable fruit 
does it manifest at the close of t wo centuries ? " The reply, 
that among their descendants the spirit of integrity and 
truthfulness is better established than in any other section 
of the Christian Church, will meet the convictions of those 
who have closely studied this question. Care about the 
conscientious appropriation of the talents committed to 
their trust, be they wealth, influence, or intellect, has more 
extensive prevalence among them, than we meet with in 
most other communities. Whilst recognizing such results, 
which in fairness we must do, far be it from me to wish to 
convey the idea that the want of integrity and the untruth- 



40 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

fulness so common to hnman nature, are not manifested in 
Quakerdom. Of course they are occasionally, but not so 
commonly there, either in private or public life, as else- 
where. "Who ever knew among the Friends such a thing 
as a dishonest appropriation of the Society's endowments, 
or of its public funds of any kind ? They have had many 
such funds to take care of for the last two centuries — 
many, both large and small endowments, and some rarely 
called on — but no breach of integrity respecting them 
have I ever known, or heard of, throughout the length and 
breadth of the Societ}\ 

The characteristics of the Quaker mind, as manifested 
in its history and in its present state, confirm the belief 
that the influences under which it has gathered its moral 
strength, have been blessed by Him who is the God of 
truth. Nevertheless, the Friends are far short of what 
their ancestors anticipated. Spiritual life, with its earnest 
religious feelings, which sent so man}^ of the early Friends 
as willing missionaries over all the w r orld, does not prevail 
to the extent it did in the morning of the Society's exist- 
ence. Reformation is now required in various matters 
within its precincts, as within those of most other reli- 
gious bodies. The Friends extensively acknowledge this, 
and the spirit of reformation is already at work. The3 r 
perceive there are circumstances around them not antici- 
pated by their forefathers, that necessities exist in the 
present age not provided for by them. They had a mission 
to perform, and they executed it honestly and earnestly 
— we also have ours. Ever}- age has its own work to do, 
its own reformatory arrangements to make in order to suit 
the onward developments in the Church, and in the world. 
The Friends seeing theirs before them, are not likely to 
shrink from the work already commenced. May the bless- 
ing of the Lord go with that work, and may He grant 
that the beautiful examples of earnestness and of devotion 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 41 

to His holy will which the following pages exhibit, be made 
useful in stimulating their religious zeal! 

"Oli ! Spirit of that early day, 
So pure and strong and true, 
Be with us in the narrow way 
Our faithful fathers knew ; 
Give strength the evil to forsake, 

The cross of Truth to hear ; 
And holy fervent love to make 
Onr daily lives a prayer." 

Whittiek. 



CHAPTER IY. 

Old Letters— Hospitality at Swarthmoor — George Fox 
arrives there — margaret fell asd her servants adopt 
his Beligious Doctrines — Judge Fell's return from: Cir- 
cuit — Margaret Fell's Letter to her Husband — James 
Nayler and Richard Farnsworth to Margaret Fell. 

Judge Fell's descendants at the present day have in 
their possession a number of unpublished autograph letters, 
written between 1652 and 1712, Ivy and to various members 
of the Fell Family ; and in the MS. depository, Devonshire 
House, London, there is also a very large collection. Many 
of these letters are from the Judge's daughters and sons- 
in-law to their mother and their sisters, and others are from 
the pioneer preachers among the Friends, addressed to the 
Mistress of Swarthmoor. Of the former several relate to 
common family incidents and pecuniary concerns, which 
were only of private importance when written. But these 
family letters now are of general interest, inasmuch as they 
help to cast light on the life of the family at Swarthmoor 
Hall, two centuries ago. They shall therefore be intro- 
duced as the narrative proceeds, having been generously 
placed at the disposal of the writer for that purpose. 

Thomas Fell, as before stated, brought home his young 



42 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

bride, when she was not eighteen years of age, to preside 
over an extensive establishment. Being a successful bar- 
rister, with an ample estate independent of his profession, 
he and his wife practised, and could afford to practise, 
hospitality on a noble scale. Their house seems to have 
been frequented by the good and the great, and was open 
both to the worthy stranger and to the personal friend. 
But especially did they welcome ministers of religion who 
might chance to visit that neighbourhood, either in connec- 
tion with their religious vocation or other interests. Mar- 
garet Fell tells us it was a frequent occurrence in that early 
time for " lecturing ministers " to visit Furness, preaching 
to the people, and they were frequently entertained at their 
house, where they would have prayers and religious exer- 
cises in the family. She saj^s, "In this I hoped I did well, 
but often feared I was short of the right way. After this 
manner I was inquiring and seeking about twenty years." 
It was at the close of that twenty 3 r ears, in the winter of 
1652, that George Fox first arrived at Swarthmoor Hall, 
where he was hospitably received by the lady of the house. 
Her husband was absent in Wales, so that on her devolved 
the duty and the pleasure of that first welcome. It seems 
to have been regarded as a real pleasure both to inotner 
and daughters to have the opportunity of making his 
acquaintance. Their interest and curiosity had been aroused 
by the reports they had heard of the singular refoi'mer of 
Fenny Drayton, whom some declared to be a preacher raised 
up by the Lord, and others, an emissary of Satan. From 
all the} T had heard, they apprehended him to be a good and 
dauntless but persecuted man, who, notwithstanding the 
cruelty and imprisonments to which he had been subjected, 
continued to speak solemnly and boldly against moral cor- 
ruption both in high and low places. The descendants of 
Anne Askew, if inheriting aught of her spirit, were not 
likely to be indifferent to such a preacher. We find some 
of the young people and their mother had been wishing to 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 43 

see tlic Drayton reformer and hear for themselves, -when, 
guided b}' one of Lis friends, he unexpectedly arrived at 
their door. 

That afternoon, Margaret Fell had business which took 
her from home. In her absence the minister of Ulverstone 
went to the Hall, and engaged the new-comer in conversa- 
tion. George Fox speaks of this man as a " high notionist, 
who would make appear that he knew all things, and had 
arrived at such a state of perfection that he was above 
John the Baptist, and able to do anything, however bad, 
without sin." He adds : — " He would have owned me, but 
I could not own or join him." 

On Margaret Fell's return, her children told her the 
stranger and Mr. Lampitt Lad disagreed. Tbis grieved her, 
because at that time i he thought the Ulverstone minister 
was a good man, and that lie held Scriptural doctrines. But 
previous to retiring for the night, after having conversed 
at length with her guest, she could not but believe in her 
heart that he was right, and Mr. Lampitt wrong. 

The following was a fast day, and there was to be a 
lecture at Ulverstone, which George Fox's hostess was 
anxious he should attend. He replied that, with reference 
to going there, he must do as he should be ordered by the 
Lord. Mistress Fell and her children started early for 
church hoping that he would come with them ; but instead 
of doing so, he walked out into the fields, that his heart 
might commune with the Lord in silence and solitude. 
They looked for him in vain, till after the singing in the 
church was over, when at length they saw their guest of 
the previous night step forward and mount a form. From 
that conspicuous position he asked the minister in the 
pulpit if he might speak to the assembly. Permission was 
promptly given, and George Fox, from his standing-place, 
addressed the audience with such power, that he astonished 
and convinced Margaret Fell bej-ond all doubt, that he 
was, indeed, a minister commissioned by the Most High to 



44 THE TELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

preach the Gospel. At first she stood up in her pew to 
get a full view of the speaker, and to lose neither word 
nor action that could give force to his preaching. B} T - 
and-by a magistrate who was present, and already 
prejudiced against Fox, called on him to cease speaking, 
and had laid his hand on his arm with the view of vising 
force, when a gentle but firm voice was heard to enquire, 
as others on such occasions were allowed to finish what 
they had to say to the congregation, should not this 
stranger also? This from the Judge's lacly settled the 
question, and the stranger spoke on. 

The doctrine of the speaker penetrated the heart of 
Margaret Fell. She says that she saw in the light then shed 
upon her mind, that they had been endeavouring to enter 
the shcepfold by climbing up another way instead of 
entering by Christ the door, instead of following in spirit 
and life the guidance of the True Shepherd. In the 
earnestness of this conviction, she exclaimed within her 
soul before God, '" We are all thieves ! we are all thieves !" 
then sat down in her pew, with her heart absorbed in that 
thought, and wept abundantly, giving vent to the fulness 
of her feelings, till the assembly broke up. 

In her testimony concerning George Fox, written after 
his death, she says, speaking of that second day of their 
acquaintance: — "He came to our house again that night. 
He spake in the family amongst the servants, and they 
were all generally convinced. But I was stricken with 
such a sadness I knew not what to do, my husband being 
from home. I saw it was the truth, and I could not deny 
it, therefore I did as the Apostle saith — I received the 
truth in the love of it. It was opened to me so clear, that 
I had never a tittle in my heart against it ; I desired of the 
Lord that I might be kept in it, and I wished for no 
greater portion." 

In about three weeks from that clay, Judge Fell returned 
from circuit. As the hour drew near when he should be 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 45 

crossing from Lancaster, parties of gentlemen went out to 
meet him, and as they moved forward over the sands of 
Leven, they gave him exaggerated accounts of the pro- 
ceedings at the Hall. His wife thus gives us the substance 
of their communications : "A deal of the captains and 
great ones of the country went to meet my husband when 
.he was coming home, and Informed him that a great 
disaster had befallen his family — that they were all 
bewitched ; and that if he did not quickly send those away 
who had taken us out of our religion, all the country 
would be undone." 

The Judge therefore came home in great displeasure 
with his wife, and highly incensed against those who had 
so influenced her mind and that of the household generally 
in his absence. Some who held superior positions at 
Swavthmoor, as steward, governess, and housekeeper, as 
swell as most of the house-servants, had been not only 
spiritually awakened, but enduringly convinced of the 
truth, as preached by George Fox. Of the former were 
Thomas Salthouse, Mary Askew, and Anne Clayton. But 
their mistress having led the way, the chief responsibility 
rested on her. She felt this in all its force ; yet under the 
belief that the Lord required it of her, she held on her 
course, though in trepidation and fear, as she looked to 
Judge Fell's return. "Any ma} r think," she says, " what a 
condition I was like to be in, that either I might displease 
my husband or offend God." But in that extremity — her 
difficulties being brought to the Lord, and her faith in Him 
being over all — the mountain was removed, and hard 
things made easy. 

George Fox was not then at the Hall, but two of his 
friends, James Nayler and Richard Farnsworth, were ; and 
they entered into conversation with the irritated master of 
the mansion. Being a man of good sense and good prin- 
ciples, as he listened to their replies he became more calm 
and reasonable. When converse with the Judge had ceased, 



40 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

they prepared to leave, but Margaret Fell said — " Nay, 
remain for to-night; George Fox is to he here this evening." 
She bad sent for him on hearing of her husband's return, 
and she wished them all to have another interview with him. 

After that talk with the two Friends, sbe says, speaking 
of the Judge — " Then was he pretty moderate and quiet ; 
and, his dinner being ready, I went and sat me down by 
him. Whilst I was sitting there, the power of the Lord 
seized upon me, and he was stricken wiih amazement and 
knew not what to think ; but he was quiet and still. The 
children were all quiet and still, and could not play their 
music which they had been learning ; all these things made 
him quiet and still." What are we to understand of the 
manifestation Margaret Fell here alludes to, which so con- 
founded the Judge as she sat by his side at dinner, and 
which also brought such a stillness over the children as to 
make them cease practising their music ? She says, " The 
power of the Lord seized upon me," but she does not say 
in what way that Divine power was manifested to her 
husband and children, only that its exhibition ' ; made them 
quiet and still." 

There are many allusions in the writings of Croese, the 
Dutch historian, and some among the Friends' own writings, 
that lead us to the conclusion that the spiritual awakening 
which was so remarkable in that day, was sometimes 
accompanied by external manifestations similar to some of 
those we have heard of in connection with late revival 
scenes in the North of Ireland. Overpowering religious 
conviction sometimes producing utter prostration of 
strength. At other times, whilst the eyes remained lightly 
closed, the mental feelings were so aroused that they were 
manifested in an extraordinary outpouring of religious 
utterance — often of thanksgiving and praise, expressed in 
language which for power and religious fervor was far 
bej-ond what the individual was accustomed to use — and 
so overwhelming that it seemed a necessity that it should 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 41 

have spontaneous expression. What Margaret Fell alludes 
to above, may have been somewhat similar. 

She goes on to say — "At night George Fox arrived ; 
and after supper, when my husband was sitting in the 
parlor, I asked if he might come in. My husband said yes. 
So George walked iuto the room without any compliment. 
The famity all came in, and presently he began to speak. 
He spoke very excellently, as ever I heard him; and 
opened Christ's and the Apostles' practices. And he 
opened the night of apostacy since the Apostles' days, 
and laid open the practices of the priests in their apostacy. 
If all England had been there, I thought they could not 
have denied the truth of these things. And so my husband 
came to see clearly the truth of what he spake." Judge 
Fell conversed freely with George Fox, asking him, among 
other matters, if he were the person of whom Justice 
Robinson had spoken so highly in Parliament. Altogether 
he was perfectly satisfied with Fox before he retired for 
the night. 

In the morning the minister cf Ulverstone came to talk 
with Judge Fell. They walked together in the garden, 
whilst the former dilated on the ruin the Quakers would 
bring on the neighborhood if they were not driven out. 
But neither his fears nor insinuations weighed with the 
Judge, who by that time had been thoroughly convinced 
that whatever might be extreme in some of their views, the 
Quakers were a truthful, conscientious, Christian people. So 
little impression did the minister's frightful pictures make on 
the master of Swarthmoor, that on the very same morning, 
hearing some Friends consult together about getting a 
place where they could establish a meeting for those who 
were convinced in that neighbourhood, he promptly and 
nobly said — " You may meet here if you will." " Then 
notice was given that day and the next," says Margaret 
Fell, " and there was a good large meeting on First-day, 



48 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

which was the first meeting at Swarthmoor.* My husband 
went on that First-day to the Steeple-house, and none with 
him but his clerk and his groom ; at this the priest and the 
people were all fearfully troubled." 

It must have been about ten months after this, when 
official duties had again called Judge Fell away from home, 
that his wife wrote him the still existing autograph letter, 
the whole of which is transcribed below. He had gone up 
to London, and taken by her desire some documents that 
she wished to see in print. The letter shows the earnest- 
ness of her religious feeling for her husband ; and it espe- 
cially shows how anxious she was that no worldly considera- 
tions, no fear of man should cause him to hesitate about 
having the documents printed and published, to exhibit to 
the world what the principles of the Friends really were, 
and how unj ustly they had been treated. 

It is written in a good but antiquated hand as follows : — 

Margaret Fell to Judge Fell. 

" Dear husband — My dear love and tender desires to the 
Lord run forth for thee. I have received a letter this day 
from you, and am very glad that the Lord carries you on 
your journey so prosperously. Thou wrote to me — ' These 
which professeth to worship God ' — but their profession we 
do deny if it be without possessing the real substance. And 
if we enjoy the living power of the Lord and walk humbly 
with our God, and be taught of Him alone, there will be no 
offence given unto men in whom the Lord ruleth. But the 
offence will be to that which must die [that which must f ] 

* A meeting was kept up there in the great dining-hall from that 
time — 1652 — till 1690, when a meeting-house was erected near 
Swarthmoor Hall by order of George Fox, and at his expense, on a 
piece of ground which he purchased for the purpose. 

f Any words between brackets, as above, indicate accidental 
omissions in the MS., or obliterations which leave the words 
doubtful. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 4 'J 

be crucified. We are not to be in obedience to man that 
lives in sin. Dear heart, mind the Lord above all, with 
whom is no variableness nor shadow of turning, but who 
will overturn all powers that stand against Him. All shall 
be as chaff before Him; therefore, be faithful unto death, 
and He will give thee a crown of life. Stand firm and close 
to the Lord, and be not afraid of men; far greater is He 
that is in you than he that is in the world. Mind that which 
is of Him in thy own particular to keep thee pure and clean 
and single before Him, and that will stand the fire of His 
wrath which burns up all but what is of Himself. 

" We sent to my dear brother James Nayler ; he is kept 
very close, cannot be suffered to have an}- fire. He is not 
free to eat of the jailer's meat, so they eat very little but 
bread and water. He wrote to us that they are plotting 
again to get more false witnesses to swear against him 
things that he never spoke. I sent him two pounds, he 
took but five shillings. 

" They are might}'' violent in Westmoreland and all parts 
eve ly where towards us. They have bid five pounds to any 
man that will take George anywhere that they can find him 
within Westmoreland. 

"I sent -an order that came from Col. Benson, which 
should have been at London as soon as } T ou, but I am afraid 
it hath miscarried. I sent with it the copy of a letter con- 
cerning some passages at the Sessions holden at Lancaster, 
where Judge Thorpe was. (He was very favourable to our 
friends there, and did take notice of the priests' tyrannj). 
Should have been glad }*ou had received them. Here is a 
copy of Col. Benson's letter that I sent thee. And here is 
a declaration that Col. Benson and other Friends drew up, 
[to be presented] if the Lord move any to present it to 
them that are in authority. And here is a note that George 
[Fox] was moved to rise out of bed and write, that should 
be shown to any one in Parliament who is a friend to the 
truth. 



50 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Dear heart, I pray tliee do not let it lie at thy door, but 
show it to any that are anything loving to the truth. It 
will stir up the pure mind in them which is one with that 
which it came from. 

"Here is likewise a declaration of these things we live 
in, and another concerning faith and the two seeds — the 
seed of the serpent and the seed of the woman — which 
should he all put in print now. I beseech thee let them be 
printed, that it may openly appear to the world what we 
live in, and be not ashamed of the truth, for it will stand 
when all other things shall be as stubble. So, hoping that 
thou wilt be faithful to me and to the Lord, farewell. The 
everlasting God of power and of loA r e keep thee up to 
Himself [words torn off] to His praise and glory. 

" The children are all in health — praised be the Lord. 
George is not with us now, but he remembered his dear 
love to thee. 

" Here is a note James Nayler hath put forth. I pray 
thee let this and the other that concerns him which 3-011 
had along with you be put in print in a book, and the 
query put to George [Fox] and the answer be printed 
[with it] — and the priests' petition and John Lawson's in 
another book. I much desire to have them printed. It is 
very hard that the press should be open for all pamphlets 
and ballads and must be shut against the truth. Dear 
heart, I pray thee do not neglect them ; for I am sure if 
they be published it will work for the glory of my Father 
— to whom be praise and glory for evermore. 

" Thy dutiful wife till death, 

"Margaret Fell.* 

" Swarthmoar, 18th of Feb.rf 1652. 

* Frora the original in the Shackleton Collection of Swarthmoor 
letters — Ballytore, Ireland. 

\ It must be remembered that Feb. of that day vras the last mo. 
of the year ; hence the above letter was va'itteu about eleven 
months after G. F. 's first visit to Swarthmooif 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 51 

'• I pray thee, sweet heart, do not slight these 
things, for they are of great concernment. Let 
them he known ; as the}' have heen acted openly, 
so let them he published " [a few words torn 
off here]. 

The foregoing letter appears to he the only one extant 
addressed to Judge Fell by his wife. The tone of thought 
and earnest feeling it manifests are strikingly illustrative 
of the writer's character, and show very clearly, with what 
openness she could speak to her husband, on the interests 
of the new society she had joined. 

James Nayler, whose imprisonment she alludes to, and 
whose prison necessities she tells the Judge she had 
relieved, had heen cited hefore the Sessions at Appleby, a 
short time before. The charge against him was blasphemy 
his real offence having been the preaching of some con- 
vincing sermons, at which many persons of account in that 
town and its neighbourhood had been awakened to a sense 
of the inefficiency of religious profession or belief, without 
such change of heart as became manifest in holiness of 
life. Those persons had withdrawn from the established 
communion and joined the Friends, occasioning great 
indignation and alarm among some of the clergy and 
magistrates. Francis Howgill, one of the converts, was 
imprisoned along with James Xajder, and Justice Pearson 
came forward as one of the prosecutors. The trial gave 
Nayler an opportunity to plead his own cause, and in 
doing so he explained with so much power and clearness, 
the principles maintained by the Friends on salvation and 
sanctification, that, notwithstanding he was condemned to 
a term of imprisonment, Justice Pearson felt ill at ease in 
reconsidering the whole affair. The Scriptural arguments 
of the prisoner had fixed themselves so deeply in his mind 
that he could not get clear of them, as after results proved. 

In the Devonshire House collection of Swarthmoor 



52 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

manuscripts there is an autograph letter from James 
Nayler to Margaret Fell, written in 1652, a short time 
previous to that Appleby imprisonment, from which we 
have taken the following : — 

James Nayler to Margaret Fell. 

" Thou art sealed in my heart, my sister. Thy care of 
the babes is pleasant, and in it thou prospers. I see this 
where thou hast been pruning. May the Lord God 
Almighty bless thee with fresh water from the rivers of 
the valleys wherewith to water the living plants ! I am 
going towards Bishoprick (Durham). The Prince of 
Darkness is up here at Appleby, but hath not much power. 
As for Ellen Parr, I hear she is coming towards thee ; I 
hope thou wilt enquire, and if not, send for her, and let 
her stay a while with thee, and show her the way of love, 
which is much lost in the height. 

" My dear love to Margaret and the rest of the family. 
My blessed beloved ones, farewell 1 And ye little ones, 
peace be amongst you. "J. N." 

Colonel Benson, to whose varied efforts Margaret Fell 
alludes in her letter, was a magistrate of Cumberland, who 
had joined the Friends; his household, as well as that at 
Swarthmoor, having recently been convinced of the truth 
of the doctrines preached by George Fox. He is the 
person who became so widely known among Friends as 
Gervase Benson. His wife, shortly after the date of M. F.'s 
letter, was imprisoned in York jail for having spoken her 
mind honestly to a clergyman, on the unchristian character 
of the persecution which he and others of his class were 
pursuing towards the Quakers ; nor was this lady, who was 
accustomed to all the accommodations and comforts of 
refined society, allowed to leave that dismal abode when 
her hour of maternal suffering arrived, for there, in York 
prison, detained on such a charge, her little baby was born. 



AND TIIE1R FRIENDS. 53 

The "priests' petition " mentioned in the letter was prob- 
ably a petition against religious persecution from Thomas 
Taylor, Christopher Taylor, and Thomas Lawson, three 
clergymen of Lancashire and Westmoreland, who had 
recently been convinced of the truth of Fox's principles. 
Croese sa}-s that Thomas Lawson was the most noted herb- 
alist in England, and Sewel speaks of him as an " eminent 
priest." He heard that George Fox was coming to Ramside 
(or Rainpside), after his first visit to Swarthmoor, and 
having himself preached in the morning, he gave notice to 
his congregation that Fox would address them in the 
evening, which he accordingly did from Lawson's pulpit. 
The result was that not only the clergyman but many of 
his congregation joined the Friends. Sewel says in pro- 
cess of time Thomas Lawson gave up his tithes and his 
clerical appointment, and came to preach the Lord Jesus 
Christ truly. So did his clerical friends Thomas Taylor 
and Christopher Taylor. 

That "Declaration concerning faith and the two seeds — 
the seed of the serpent and the seed of the woman,'' which 
Margaret Fell was so anxious to see printed, may have been 
her own, as she certainly wrote something on the subject. 
But it is more probable that the one she alludes to in the 
letter was from George Fox ; her own article was not likely 
to have been written at so early a period. Fox often used 
that figure — the two seeds— in allusion to the two great 
antagonistic influences in man, the one from Christ the 
Saviour, the other from Satan the Evil One. He also some- 
times used, The seed — meaning the Saviour. That the seed 
of the woman should bruise the serpent's head, and that 
the serpent should bruise his heel, was elaborated and 
alluded to very often by him, and also by some other 
Friends ; other Scriptural passages being brought in from 
the New Testament respecting the seed of the kingdom, 
the grain of mustard-seed, &c, &c. The seed, to George 
Fox's mind, expressed an embodiment or geim of spiritual 



54 THK FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

life imparted by Christ to man. Such figurative forms of 
expression, and so variously used, may be indulged in by 
minds prone to that style of speech, till they become con- 
fusing and mystical to those who do not at once see through 
the figure ; and this seems to have been the case with the 
term under notice, as used by many of the early Friends. 
But it has long since ceased to mark the religious phrase- 
ology of their descendants. 

The letter from James Nayler, which has been quoted 
from, and that from which the following, written by 
Richard Farnsworth, is taken, are the only ones extant, so 
far as I know, addressed to Margaret Fell at so early a 
date as 1652 : — 

Richard Farnsworth to Margaret Fell. 

Balbie, December 12th, 1652. 

" Dear Sister, — Be faithful to what thou knowest, and the 
Lord will keep thee to Himself, and arm thee every way 
with His love and power. Give thyself up wholly to the 
Lord, who will preserve thee in faithfulness and purity. 
And, Oh that the everlasting Lord God Almighty may keep 
thee and all the rest of our dear friends in the power of His 
love, and in the power of His truth, that 3*e may grow from 
strength to strength, and be established in the Truth, that 
He alone may be glorified who is Lord of lords and King 
of kings. 

"I received thy letter, which did much rejoice me. When 
it arrived I was gone towards Derbyshire, where I met with 
a gathered Church. I have been in much service since I 
came from you. Friends are now emboldened and cour- 
ageous who have had great opposition and persecution 
here away. The enemy is in silence, and the Lord carries 
on His own work. To Him alone be glory and honour for 
ever and for ever. 

" My clear love in the Lord presents itself to you all — to 
thy son George, and to thy daughters, and to all those thy 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 55 

servants in the truth of God. May the Lord cause them 
all to grow up into the Truth, that He may he exalted 
amongst you.' 5 * 



CHAPTER V. 

1652—1654. 

George Fox in Ulverstone Church — Attacked by a Mob — 
Riot at Walney Island — Lancaster Assizes — Acquittal op 
Fox — Letters from Thcmas Taylor, Thomas Lawson, and 
John Lawson to Margaret Fell. 

William Lampitt, the Ulverstone rector, and his friend 
Justice Sawrey,with others in authority, were exceedingly 
annoyed by the favour shown at Swarthmoor to the Quakers. 
This preference was plainly manifested by the fact that 
nearly all the family at the Hall met for worship in the 
Friends' meeting, and had altogether withdrawn from 
attending service in the church. Among the credulous, it 
was declared to he nothing short of necromancy that had 
brought about the change — Satan himself having combined 
with the Quakers to deceive the Judge's lady and her 
household. Such wild gossip was all afloat throughout 
Ulverstone and the surrounding parishes, whilst they who 
were said to be the deceived ones daily felt the blessing, 
the light, and the peace of the Lord to be with them. 

James Nayler, before his acquaintance with the Friends, 
had been a member of an Independent congregation in 
Wakefield. The pastor — or, as George Fox calls him, the 
priest — of that church, who was greatly annoyed with 
Nayler's withdrawal, did not scruple to start several of 
those wild stories. Thus Fox, the chief victim of them, 
says — " He raised many wicked slanders upon me, as that 

* The original from which the ahove was taken is in the Devon- 
shire House Collection of Swarthmoor MSS. 



5G THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

I carried bottles about with me, and made people drink of 
my bottles, which made them follow me. That I rode upon 
a great black horse, and was seen in one county upon my 
black horse in one hour, and the same hour in another 
county threescore miles off." At Ulverstoneit was declared 
George Fox had sold himself to the Devil for the ability 
which had been conferred on him to brave peril of every 
kind. That, hence, his blood could not be drawn ; and that 
he could not be either drowned or killed in any ordinary 
wa3 T . At one time, before he was conscious of the dangers 
of the Sands, he and another friend were going to visit 
Colonel West, and ignorantly they went over a place 
regarded as a most unsafe quicksand. Colonel West saw 
them from his windows, and afterwards told them that he 
had never known any one to have before escaped who had 
ventured where they did. But, in the eyes of the supersti- 
tious people, his escape was taken as another proof of his 
necromancy. All these slanderous reports, sa}'s Fox, 
"were nothing to me as regarded myself; but I was con- 
cerned on the Truth's account, which I saw the priests 
endeavored by such means to prejudice the people against. 
But the Lord's power carried us over their slanderous 
tongues and their murderous spirits." 

What an insight the easy propagation of such absurd 
stories gives us into the credulity and the superstitious 
feelings of that day ! George Fox met them by openly 
availing himself on public occasions of preaching the 
Gospel of Christ to the people in the very centres whence 
these tales emanated. And just as openly did he denounce 
what he regarded as other arts of Antichrist, whether mani- 
fested in priest or in people. When speaking of sin and 
wickedness, he used the strong language of the times, 
unsoftened by modern suavity. 

Before Judge Fell had returned from his professional 
duties in Westminster and London, some fierce scenes of 
persecution, heightened, no doubt, by those fabulous reports, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. Oi 

had been enacted near his own hospitable Hall. One market- 
da}*, in the town of TJlverstone, when there was a lecture in 
the church, George Fox asked leave, on its close, to speak 
to the people. He says : " John Sawrej*, the justice, came . 
to me and said if I would speak according to the Scriptures, 
I should speak. I stranged at him for saying so, for I 
always spake according to the Scriptures ; and I told him 
I would do so, and would bring the Scriptures to prove all 
I had to sa}\ Then, contradicting himself afterwards, he 
said, I should not speak, though I was speaking according 
to the Scriptures, and he had said just before that if I did 
so I should speak. The people were quiet and heard me 
gladly, until Justice Sawrey incensed them against me, and 
set them to hale, beat, and bruise me. Then, on a sudden, 
they were in a rage, and fell upon me in the steeple-house, 
before his face, and knocked me down and trampled upon 
me, he looking on. So great was the uproar that some 
fainted and fell over their seats from fear. Then he came 
and took me from the people, and, leading me out, he gave 
me up to some constables and other officers, bidding them 
whip me out of the town. They led me about a quarter of a 
mile, some taking me by the collar, some by my arms and 
shoulders, shaking and dragging me along. There being 
many friendly people at the market, some of whom came 
to the steeple-house to hear me, divers of these they 
knocked down also, and broke their heads, so that the 
blood ran down from several of them. 

" Now when they had haled me to the common moss-side, 
a multitude of people following, the constable and other 
officers gave me some blows over my back with their 
willow rods, and so thrust me among the rude multitude. 
They having furnished themselves, some with staves, some 
with hedge-stakes, and others with holm or holl} T -bushes , 
fell upon me and beat me on the head, arms, and shoulders, 
till they had mazed me, so that I fell down on the wet 
common. When I recovered my senses again, and saw 



58 THE PELLS OP SWARTHM90R HALL, 

• 

myself lying in that watery place, and the people standing 
about me, I lay still a little while. Then the power of the 
Lord sprang through me, and the eternal refreshings re- 
freshed me so that I stood up again in the strengthening- 
power of the everlasting God. Stretching out my arms 
amongst them, I said with a loud voice, ' Strike again: 
here are my arms, my head, and my cheeks.' There was 
in the company a mason, a religious professor, but a rude 
fellow, who with his walking rule-staff, gave me a blow 
with all his might just over the back of my hand, as it was 
stretched out, with which my hand was so bruised, and my 
arm so benumbed, that I could not draw it in to me again ; 
so that some of the people cried out, ' He hath spoiled Ms 
hand for ever.' But I looked at it in the love of God, for 
I was in the love of God to them all that were persecuting 
me. After a while the Lord's power sprang through me 
again, and through my hand and arm, so that in a mojient 
I recovered strength in both hand and arm in the sight of 
them all." 

George Fox makes no comment on the above that in- 
duces us to think he ever regarded that exclamation, <J strike 
again," as wrong or unwise. To me it appears as the 
natural defiant outburst from a dauntless spirit, prepared 
to endure any amount of suffering for a good cause. But 
it docs not exactly manifest the meekness enjoined by 
Christ. Should not that meekness have restrained from 
tempting, by the exhibition of such bold defiance, any 
r tide fellow to repeat his violence ? It shows us, however, 
that we are not to calculate on infallibility of judgment 
from George Fox in all cases, more than from other good 
men. Doubtless Fox had before him the words of the 
Lord Jesus, " lie who striketh thee on the one cheek, turn 
to him the other also." But surely it is the gentle, unpro- 
voking spirit thus indicated by our Lord that we are to 
cherish, not the presentation of the cheek to be smitten 
whenever that will provoke rather than calm : and we must 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 59 

know that both act and words may he copied, yet their 
spirit departed from very widely. 

"Whilst the people remained in crowds on the wet com- 
mon, around that unflinching, persecuted preacher, again 
he addressed them, as he thus narrates : — " I was moved of 
the Lord to declare to them all the. Word of Life, and 
showed them their false Christianity and the fruits of their 
priests' ministry, telling them they were more like Jews 
and heathen than true Christians." 

He afterwards returned to the town of Ulverstone, and 
walked through the market. "As I went, there met me a 
soldier, with his sword by his side. ' Sir,' said he to me, 
' I see you are a man, and I am ashamed and grieved that 
you should be thus abused'; and he .offered to assist me 
in what he could. But I told him the Lord's power was 
over all, so I walked through the people in the market, and 
none of them had power to touch me. But some of the 
market-people began to abuse some Friends, and I, turning 
me about, saw this soldier with his naked rapier, where- 
upon I ran in among them, and catching his hand which 
held the rapier, I told him he must put up his sword if he 
would come along with me. For I was willing to draw 
him away, lest some mischief should be done. A few days 
after, seven men fell on this soldier and beat him cruelly, 
because he had taken part with Friends and me ; for it was 
the manner of the persecutors in that country for twentj^ 
or (sometimes) forty people to set on one man." From 
Ulverstone, Fox proceeded to Swarthmoor. When he 
arrived at the Hall, he found the family there engaged 
dressing the wounds of those who had been injured that 
day by the violence of priest Lampitt's hearers. Such 
evidences were not calculated to make the Fells feel any 
more favorably towards the teaching of their late pastor, 
which had produced such fruit. 

After that Ulverstone scene of outrage was over, those 
of the clergy and magistracy who had rejoiced in its vio- 



60 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

lence, declared if the people would only hold on thus for 
half a year, the Quakers would all he put down, and the 
country freed from a nuisance. Of course this encouraged 
its repetition. The poor ignorant people, thus led on, had 
no objection under such auspices to try what they could do 
towards exterminating the necromancers who were exert- 
ing such influence over the Swarthmoor family. Night and 
day the Friends were attacked whenever they were seen 
in the neighbourhood. One wild fellow went to shoot George 
Fox in the open street, but the pistol missing fire, the man 
was seized before he could make another attempt. At 
Yellard,a clergyman, with pistol in hand, headed a party 
of desperadoes, who, with a variety of murderous weapons, 
attempted to get into a house where Fox was stopping, in 
order to take his life ; but this attempt also was frustrated. 
At Walney Island, where he went to visit a friend, he 
says, " As soon as I came to land, there rushed out about 
forty men with staves, clubs, and fishing-poles, and fell 
upon me, beating me, and punching me backward into the 
sea. And when they had thrust me backward till 1 saw 
they would have knocked me down there in the sea, I went 
up into the midst of them. Then they laid on me again, 
and knocked me over and stunned me. When I came to 
myself and looked up, I saw James Lancaster's wife throw- 
ing stones at my face, and her husband lying over me to 
keep the stones and the blows from off me. The people 
had persuaded James Lancaster's wife that T had bewitched 
her husband, and they had promised her if ever she would 
let them know when I came thither they would be my 
death. Having got knowledge of my coming they had thus 
assembled with clubs to kill me ; but the Lord's protecting 
power preserved me, so that they could not take my life. 
At length I got on my feet, but they beat me down again 
into the boat, which, James Lancaster observing, he came 
into the boat and set me over the water away from them. 
But whilst on the water, so long as they could reach, they 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 61 

continued to strike at us with poles and to throw stones 
after us. By the time we had reached the other side, we 
saw them beating James Nayler ; for, whilst they had been 
heating me, he walked into a field, and they never minded 
him till I was gone, then they fell upon him, and all their 
cry was, kill him, kill him ! 

" Now when I had again reached the town (Cockan) on 
the other side, the townsmen rose up with pitchforks, flails, 
and stones, to keep me out of the town, crying, kill him, 
knock him on the head, carry him away to the churchyard! 
So after they had abused me thus, they drove me a pretty 
way out of the town, and there left me. Then went James 
Lancaster back to look after James Nayler, and I walked 
about .three miles to Thomas Hutton's house, where was 
Thomas Lawson, the priest that was convinced. When I 
came I could hardly speak to them, I was so bruised, only 
I told them where I had left James Nayler, whereupon 
they took each of them a horse, and went and brought him 
hither that night. The next day, Margaret Fell, hearing 
of it,. sent a horse for me, but so sore was I with the bruises 
I had, that I was not able to bear the shaking of the horse 
without much pain. When it was known I had arrived at 
Swarthmoor Hall, Justice Sawrey, and one Justice Thomp- 
son, of Lancaster, granted forth a warrant against me ; but 
Judge Fell coining home it was not served. He had been 
out of the country all the time that I had thus been abused 
and cruelly used ; but when he came home, he sent forth 
warrants into the Isle of Walne}', to apprehend all those 
riotous persons, whereupon some of them fled the country. 
James Lancaster's wife was afterwards convinced of the 
Truth, and repented of the evil she had done me, and so 
did some more of those bitter persecutors; but the judg- 
ments of God have fallen upon man}- others of them since. 

" The time for the sessions at Lancaster being come, 
I went there with Judge Fell, who on the way told me he 



62 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

had never had such a matter "brought before him, and he 
could not well see what he should do in the business." 

Thus the Judge and his guest, against whom nearly the 
whole clerical body of the country had risen up, proceeded 
together to Lancaster. Although the warrant issued by 
the magistrates had not been executed, George Fox had 
said that he would attend the sessions, and if any one had 
aught to accuse him of, he would like to hear their accusa- 
tion. When he arrived there, he found about forty clergy- 
men assembled, determined to do their utmost to procure 
his conviction for blasphemy ; but their witnesses, one a 
young clergyman, and two sons of clergymen, became so 
confused and so unable to make good what they had sworn, 
that the magistrates on the bench saw clearly into their 
perjury. Judge Fell, Colonel West, Justice Sawrey, and 
Major Rippon, Mayor of Lancaster, were the presiding 
magistrates. 

" There were then in court," says Fox, " several who had 
been at the meeting wherein the witnesses sware I spake 
those blaspheming words which the priests accused me of, 
and these being men of integrity and reputation in the 
country, did declare and affirm in court that the oath which 
the witnesses had taken against me was altogether false, 
and that no such words as they had sworn to were spoken 
by me at that meeting. Indeed, most of the serious men 
of that side of the country, who were then at the sessions, 
had been at the meeting, and had heard me both then and 
at other meetings also." 

George Fox mentions a circumstance in connection with 
that trial at Lancaster which develops a practice of his, 
never, so far as I know, either adopted or recommended by 
the Society, then or since. When under great mental con- 
flict or prayerful solicitude, he was accustomed to fast; 
thus he saj's, "At this time" (during the session) " I was 
in a fast, and was not to eat until this work of God, which 
then lay weighty upon me, was accomplished." 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 63 

The stand made by George Fox against the institution 
of a human priesthood and its tithes under the Christian 
dispensation, "was the great root of the extreme bitterness 
manifested towards him both by Presb3'terian and Episcopal 
clergy ; and further it may be observed, the religious and 
moral shortcomings of a large number of clerical pro- 
fessors laid them open to the rebukes of one on -whom they 
in vain sought to bring contumely and reproach — one 
against whom their wrath rose in proportion to his fear- 
lessness in exposing in practice or profession what he felt 
assured was inconsistent with the injunctions of Christ. 

Their defeat at the sessions did not prevent the Lan- 
cashire clergy from again tiying to secure the conviction 
of the troublesome reformer. When the assizes came 
round, they determined to see what they could do to influ- 
ence Judge "Windham against him. This judge, after 
.hearing the accusations, made a speech against George Fox 
in court, and then desired Colonel West, who was clerk of 
the assize, to issue a warrant for his apprehension ; but 
instead of doing so Colonel West boldly took up the case 
and defended Fox. Again the Judge commanded him 
either to issue a warrant or to vacate his seat. To this the 
intrepid Colonel replied, that he would sooner go to prison 
himself than have aught to do in the imprisonment of such 
a man, that sooner would he sacrifice his whole estate than 
be a party to such a prosecution. This caused the judge 
to pause, and on further investigation, he saw the case was 
different to what had been first represented, hence no further 
proceedings were then taken. Speaking of that occasion, 
George Fox says : " That same night, hearing of a warrant 
to be given out against me, I judged it better to show 
myself openly than for my adversaries to seek me. So I 
went to Lancaster, and proceeded to the chambers of Judge 
Fell and Colonel West ; as soon as I came in they smiled, 
and Colonel West said, 'What! are you come into the 
dragon's mouth V I stayed in town till the Judge left, and 



64 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

I walked up and clown the streets, but no one meddled with 
me nor questioned me. Thus the Lord's blessed power 
carried me through and over this exercise, and gave 
dominion over His enemies, and enabled me to go on in His 
glorious work and service for His great name's sake." 

TJp to that time, and long after it, blasphemy was the 
general charge on which Fox and his associates were 
imprisoned, so that it always required ho\\\ false sicearing 
and false construction to procure conviction on the orig- 
inal charge. The more convenient one of pretended dis- 
loyalty to the existing government, deduced from Friends 
refusing to take the oath of allegiance, had not yet been 
started. Throughout that first j r ear, after the favour shewn 
to the Quakers at Swarthruoor Hall, their principles had 
spread very extensively in Lancashire and the adjoining 
counties. So that instead of being extinguished by six 
months' sharp persecution, as their Ulverstone enemies had 
predicted before the close of 1652, such multitudes had 
joined their ranks, that the clergy of the Church of England, 
of the Presbyterian Church, and of the Independents, 
looked with consternation at their increase. 

Judge Fell, Colonel Benson, Colonel West, Major Rippon, 
and Justice Pearson, all magistrates in the neighbouring 
counties, now understood the principles of Fox and those 
who joined him, and were determined to sec justice done, 
so far as their influence extended. To Swarthmoor Hall 
itself the " Children of Light" were constantly and cordially 
welcomed by the Christian lady its mistress, and by her 
family. The meeting continued to be held regularly in the 
large dining-hall at Swarthmoor, and soon the Judge 
altogether ceased his attendance at Ulverstone church ; 
priest Lampitt, who officiated there,' had shown himself so 
unworthy of his vocation, that he could not feel satisfied to 
sit under his ministry. Judge Fell never became a member 
of the Society of Friends, yet he was, as his wife expresses 
it, " very loving with Friends," and he cherished a spirit 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 65 

of true Christian toleration. He was a wise, as well as a 
just man. When at home during meetiug time, he used to 
sit in his study, the door of which, just opposite that of 
the dining-room, opened into the same passage, and from 
thence he heard all that went forward in the Friends' 
meeting. 

Before George Fox took leave of Swarthmoor, after those 
affairs at Lancaster were, over, he wrote several letters 
to the leading persecutors of that neighbourhood, which 
are given in his journal. These epistles express very 
plainly what he thought of the practice of those person- 
ages professing to be Christ's ordained ministers, and all 
claiming to be Christians whilst acting with injustice and 
cruelty. However true and however merited as a severe 
castigation may have been every declaration these letters 
contain, they appear in this day more calculated to exas- 
perate and enrage the delinquent sinner than to open his 
heart, or win him over to what was hoby, just, and true. 
But it is difficult to know what would best suit, or tend to 
arrest a pharisaical persecuting spirit ; and difficult also 
for us to realise, what a state of society so different from 
that which now surrounds us, required. Indeed, without a 
careful study of the history of the times, both as depicted 
by our own historians, and by those who from other 
Protestant nations looked at, and have described the clergy 
of England at that period, it would be impossible rightly 
to take in all the features of the case. Manj^ perhaps, 
may be disposed to regard them as exaggerated, when 
described by those who like Fox came out in strong 
denunciation of the vices and pretensions of persons who 
were their enemies. However, when we look into the 
pages of Croese, a Dutch writer of that era, altogether 
unconnected with Friends, and by no means an admirer 
of George Fox, we find the case stated quite strong enough 
to justify to the full what he has said about the worldly- 
mindedness and the benefice-hunting tendency of the mass 



b(> THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

of the English clergy, associated with high ritual preten- 
sions, and extreme bitterness of spirit against all who 
opposed them. That this bitterness would extend espe- 
cially towards those of their own order who joined the 
Friends, is naturally to be expected ; and accordingly we 
see it early exemplified among the friends of the Fells who 
resigned their clerical livings. Before the close of the 
year 1653, out of the four individuals who were mentioned 
in a former chapter, when speaking of " The priests' peti- 
tion," three were lying in jails in the north of England for 
the faithful maintenance of their religious principles. These 
were Thomas Taylor, his brother Christopher Taylor, and 
John Lawson. 

In that season of sharp trial Margaret Fell wrote to the 
prisoners with sisterly sympathy, and she visited their 
families, delicately and tenderly watching over their wives' 
and children's necessities, administering to them in that 
way least likely to wound their sense of independence. 

Several of those eminent men who joined the Friends 
in that early time, had been dissatisfied with the views of 
religion that prevailed around them before they met with 
George Fox. Thomas Taylor was one of these. He had 
completed his studies at Oxford University, and had been 
preferred to a benefice at Richmond, Yorkshire, where he 
had ministered for a considerable time, when scruples arose 
in his mind respecting some of the rites and teaching of 
the Church of England. Nearly two years previous to his 
meeting with any of the Friends, he had engaged in a con- 
troversy on infant baptism, the prevalent views of that rite 
being contrary to what he regarded as sanctioned by the 
holy Scriptures. His mind continued gradually opening 
to various perceptions of Christian truth so similar to those 
of George Fox, that a few days after their first interview 
at Swarthmoor Hall, they were so united in feelings and 
principles, that they jointly held a meeting at TJlverstone, 
which they both addressed. Soon after that Thomas Taylor 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 67 

gave up his benefice, and went forth to preach "without 
pecuniary fee or reward, trusting for his family and himself 
that the Lord would provide. His feelings of peace and 
comfort are beautifully portra}~ed in the following letter, 
written from Appleby jail f;o his Swartt uioor friend : 

Thomas Taylor to Margaret Fell. 

" These may let thee know that my soul is exceedingly 
refreshed in the unity of the Spirit, and in that everlasting 
love manifested in us from the Lord Jesus Christ, and 
wherein we live united together even in that which is pure 
and of God ; not of this present evil world, which perisheth 
and passeth away as a deceiving show. This love of our 
God cannot be expressed in words, but, being imprinted in 
our hearts, and our hearts abiding in it, the sweet fruits 
thereof to one another and to all, will more and more 
spring forth and express themselves to the praise of our 
heavenly Father, and the drawing on of the simple pure- 
minded ones, and the confounding of the heathen whom 
God is judging. 

" Thy dear brother in the pure and holy bond of ever- 
lasting love, 

"T. Taylor. 

" P. S. — I hope my dear wife and family are in health. 
I hear often of and from them, praised be the Lord ; and 
thy tender care over them is felt."* 

The letter from which we take the following extract is 
dated Appleby, 1st Fifth Month, 1653:— 

Thomas Taylor to Margaret Fell. 
" In the living, holy truth of our God cloth my soul salute 
thee with all thy dear children whose love is in the truth, 
and all the dear lambs of God there away. 

* From the original in the Devonshire House Collection of Swarth- 
moor manuscripts. 



68 THE FELLS OF SWA11THM00R HALL, 

"I have no greater joy than to' hear continually of the 
increase of our Father's kingdom, and the exalting of His 
great name in the earth ; and the health of His dear babes 
everywhere who feed upon that living Bread, and drink of 
that living Rock, Christ Jesus. 

" Dear heart, — Let me hear from thee as way is made, 
and as thy freedom is. As for me, I am here in health, 
still waiting upon the Lord to know His will and work 
daily, that in the consciences of the people there may be 
willingness felt to His praise. As for my releasement, it 
will be ordered in His time, I know, for the best." 

Christopher Taylor about that time was also a prisoner 
in Appleby jail, where he remained for upwards of two 
years. It is probable Thomas's term of imprisonment at 
that period corresponded with his brother Christopher's. 

Thomas Taylor died at Stafford in 1681, having been a 
minister in the Society of Friends for about twentj'-nine 
years, nearly one-half of which time he spent in prison. 
One of his imprisonments for matters of conscience ex- 
tended over a term of nearly eleven years. His brother 
Christopher, who was also a minister, superintended a 
boarding-school at Waltham Abbe}', on the border of Essex, 
for Friends' children, which deservedly obtained a high 
reputation. In 1682 he emigrated to Pennsylvania, as one 
of the earlier settlers in that province, and became a member 
of William Penn's council. 

It is probable that Thomas Lawson, like Christopher 
Taylor, was a literary as well as religious teacher among 
the Friends. When he joined their Society he resigned a 
very lucrative clerical living. But if he were, as Crocse 
says, the most noted herbalist in England, and delivered 
with great celebrity a series of lectures in London on his 
favourite subject, that pursuit may have aided his pecuniaiy 
resources, which, as may be inferred from one of the fol- 
lowing letters, were not in a very easy position after he 
gave up his benefice. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 69 

Thomas Lawson was a young man of strong literary- 
tastes and fervid eloquence ; he was about twenty -three 3'ears 
of age when he joined the Friends. The next letter, which 
has no other date than an endorsement of 1G53, appears to 
have been written after that step had been taken, but whilst 
his mind was in some other respects still very much tried. 

Thomas Lawson to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear heart, — There is a pure and heavenly longing in 
me to dwell out of all willing and running. When I am 
kept stilly, and quietly in this feeling I find joy and peace ; 
but the enemy envies this peace, and is still tempting till it 
be 'broken and my mind gone where the snares of the 
fowler be. I cannot conceal from thee that herein doth the 
enemy prevail against me in thoughts and imaginations, in 
images, pictures, and likenesses — idols which he subtly sets 
up in my mind, and would have me bow down unto. But 
the Lord in his endless love still cries after me, witnessing 
against this spiritual idolatry, ciying within me ' not to have 
any fellowship with strangers, nor to enter into covenant 
with the inhabitants of the land ' ; then they vanish and 
are not seen, and secret joy springs up in me to see these 
images and imaginations cast down which were, as thorns in 
my side and as pricks in my eyes. Then a pure resolution 
comes to be set up in me all the days of my appointed time 
to wait on the Lord ; for I see the door of pure wisdom 
heavenly riches, and never-fading treasures set open, and 
light springing up, so that the enemy cannot be concealed 
from the candle of the Lord burning in me. But this the 
subtle serpent envies, willing I be anywhere but in the light 
which lays open his wiles. 

" Dear heart, pray for me unto th}^ Father that I may be 
kept in His counsel, in His holy fear unto eternal life. 

" Fare thee well, who art beloved of the Lord with ever- 
lasting love. 

" Thomas Lawson." 



to the fells of swarthmoor hall, 

Thomas Lawson to Margaret Fell. 

[Without date. ] "Written at Swarthmcor. 

" My lore to thee in and from my own home — Seeing I 
find it not in me to stay till thy return I thought meet to 
let thee know as fulloweth : — 

" When I was at Newcastle I had some conference with 
a man, something related to me in the outward, and whom 
I mentioned to thee formerly ; and who outstrips all I have 
spoken with in relation to Hebrew. I enquired of the sta- 
tioners concerning a Hebrew Lexicon, but they had it not, 
and then it was sent for to London, but not procured. So I 
enquired of this man if he had one, and he had, and shewed 
it to me. I was desirous to buy it, but he said he was not 
willing to part with it, not knowing how to procure another, 
yet if I sought-after that language he would let me have it, 
for he so much loved any who sought to study it. Now I 
had little money left, so I borrowed ten shillings of Thomas 
Turner, and bought the Lexicon. If thou see how it may 
be had out of the general [fund] I would gladly have it 
paid to Thomas Turner if he came hither. In the hands of 
Edward Guy I found a book, which is for the Greek 
Testament as the other is for the Hebrew Bible. He let me 
have it for five shillings, what it cost him, and he would 
spare me for the money a while. If it please the Lord to 
give me an abode on the earth I know I may do service 
therewith. 

"As thou art free speak to thy husband. I have left a 
few lines for him ; also that he may know my purpose. I 
know not but in a few days I may come over again." 

Those who have not experienced what it is to have any 
difficulty in supplying their families' and their own accus- 
tomed comforts and necessities, can but feebly appreciate 
what sacrifices had to be made by sucli men as the Taylors 
and Lawsons, after resigning positions that had previously 
brought them a comfortable support. Whilst we read of 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. fl 

their giving up earthly honours and possessions, that they 
might follow their convictions, at a time when flogging and 
imprisonment were frequently the lot of the devoted 
disciples of Christ whom they joined, how few of us can 
realize what sacrifices this called for. It is true they enjoyed 
spiritual consolations which abundantly outweighed all they 
had forsaken. And most of them were men of bold brave 
hearts, that bore up manfully through all, and shrunk not 
from suffering or imprisonment in the cause of truth and 
righteousness. This martyr-like endurance, with its 
cheering hopes and high aspirations, seems strikingly to 
have characterized John Lawson, if we may judge from such 
letters as the following, addressed from his places of 
imprisonment to his friend at Swarthmoor : — 

John Lawson to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear Sister, — In the unity of the truth my tender love 
salutes thee, and all my dear brethren and sisters who are 
in the truth. Dear hearts, walk worthy of your calling, for 
holy and perfect is He who hath called you out of the 
world. Stand ye perfectly freed from the world, and take 
heed to be not entangled again with those things you. have 
once been set free from, but walk circumspectly, having no 
fellowship with the unfruitful works of darkness ; but every 
one of you who have been so taught, abide in the light, 
and stand pure and clear out of the works of darkness, 
that your Father and my Father may be glorified ; that you 
may all have unity with God, and unity one with another, 
growing up together as branches of one vine — all watching 
one over another for good, improving the manifold graces 
received from God for the good of one another, strengthening 
one another daily in your most holy faith. We are all well 
—pray for us that we may stand faithful in the Lord. My 
two friends and fellow-prisoners send their love to you all. 
Dear hearts, fare 3*011 all well! 

" May the God of all power keep thee, my dear sister, in 



72 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

His eternal wisdom and strength, for thou hast not been 
unmindful of the servants of the Lord, but hast shewed 
thyself to be a loving mother towards all the tender babes 
of Christ. Grace, mercy, and peace be multiplied daily 
towards thee, my dear sister, in the Lord ! 

" John Lawson, 
" Prisoner for the testimony of the 
" truth at Chester. 
"5th 12th Mo., 1653." 

John Lawson to Margaret Fell. 

"My dear Sister, — Such sweet communion do I enjoy 
with thee and the rest of my brethren and sisters in that 
life which is but one in you all that my outward imprison- 
ment is not grievous, for I am continually kept present 
with you in the Spirit by the power of our God. He hath 
brought me out of many waters and from a strange people, 
amongst whom we haA'e had our conversations in time 
past. But now, through the tender mercies of our God, 
we have deliverance, and redemption through the blood of 
the Lamb, whom God hath raised up to sit on the throne 
of David for evermore. He hath given to Him a name 
above every name, that at the name of Jesus ever}' knee in 
heaven and earth should bow, and hath made Him for ever 
a priest after the order of Melchisedec -our great High- 
priest and Intercessor, whose love we have all tasted, 
and received His grace, whereby we have access to the 
throne of God. We know whatsoever we ask according to 
His will He heareth us, for He loveth us, and His command 
is that we love one another, as He hath loved us. May the 
God of love bless you and keep you all in His mighty 
power, pure and clean, out of all deceit. Dear brethren, 
pray for me that I may for ever dwell with you in the 

house of our God I have not, dear sister, any wants 

for the outward, neither am I chargeable to any one. 
Remember my dear love to all Friends at Swarthmoor, and 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 73 

to thy husband, and remind him of those two men who 
became bond for my appearance at the assizes, that, in case 
I be not released from my imprisonment here to answer my 
accusers, they may come to no trouble for me. Fare thee 
well ! " Thy dear brother, 

John Lawson, 
" Prisoner at Derby in the county jail for 
"his testimony of the Word of God." 

The foregoing letter is thus indorsed : — " This letter 
came to Swarthmoor the last day of the 11th mo., 1654." 

It is thus directed : — 

/' Margaret Fell, at Swarthmoor in Lancashire — these 
with care."* 

John Lawson's history in after years I have not been 
able to trace ; respecting Thomas Lawson, I have been 
more successful, having met with one of his descendants, 
who has furnished me with various particulars. About 
twenty-six years after he resigned his living at Rampside, 
there seems to have been some difference of practice and 
of opinion among Friends respecting tithe, which caused 
a recommendation to be sent down from the London general 
meeting to the subordinate meetings, that Friends should 
each give in to their monthly meetings a statement of their 
opinion, or, as it was termed, their testimony, respecting 
the payment of tithe for the maintenance of a priesthood. 
Thomas Lawson's, as still recorded in Great Strickland 
monthly meeting-book, under date 1619. is as follows: — 

" Since it pleased God to open my eyes to see men made 
ministers not working for or with God for the good of 
souls, but for their own ends, I never gave them the least 
of what they call their dues, or consented thereto. As for 
the tithe settled on Levi, for the maintenance of the first 

* The originals of all the letters in the foregoing pages from the 
Taylors and the Lawsons, are in the Devonshire House Collection 
of Swarthmoor Manuscripts. 



H THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

priesthood and the heave-offering, Christ put an end to 
that priesthood and to the heave-offering, and to the law 
that appointed these things ; He being the High-priest 
of the household of God, the one offering that perfects 
such as are sanctified. Therefore, my testimony in this 
thing is, that such as pay tithe, and such as take tithe 
[some words come in here that are not clear] are in the 
denial of Christ to he come in the flesh. Touching tithe, 
I never paid it nor consented thereunto. Yet true it is, the 
farmers thereof, for the most part, come to the land before 
and judge it for hiring and take it away. 

(Signed) " Thomas Lawson." 

I have seen nothing which indicates that Thomas Lawson 
became a preacher among the Friends. He was for manjr 
years clerk to the monthly meeting of Great Strickland ; 
and if he did not keep a school in that place, he had private 
tuitions, as the following circumstance proves: — A clerg3 r - 
man of the Church of England became attached to one of 
his daughters, and ultimately they were married, to the 
great displeasure of the young lady's father. Meantime, 
some Friends, having heard that Thomas Lawson had 
admitted the clergyman in question to join a class of 3 oung 
men who had met at his house to receive instructions from 
him in Hebrew, had taken up and circulated a wrong im- 
pression respecting the part the father had acted about his 
daughter's marriage. He writes under date 1686, recapitu- 
lating their animadversions and justifjdng himself. That 
circumstance took place about five years before his death. 

Thomas Lawson was a religious writer much esteemed 
among the early Friends. He wrote various works on theo- 
logical subjects, which were reprinted after his death. One 
was entitled, " A Treatise relating to the Call, Work, and 
Wages of the Ministers of Christ; and to the Call, Work, 
and Wages of the Ministers of Antichrist." Another, " A 
Testimony for the Evangelical Communion in the Bread 01 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 75 

Life." He also wrote " A Treatise Concerning Baptisms ;" 
and a work entitled, " Dagon's Fall before the Ark," and 
" A Mite into the Treasury." 



CHAPTER VI. 

1653—1655. 

Anthony Pearson at Swarthmoor — His Religious Convic- 
tions — William Caton's Experience at the Hall — His 
Removal to the Continent — His Missionary Labours and 
Death — The Swarthmoor Children — Letters of Gervase 
Benson to Margaret Fell. 

In a former chapter there is an allusion to the impression 
made on the mind of a magistrate at Appleby who had 
united with some of the clergy to procure the conviction 
of James Nayler and Francis Howgill for blasphemy. That 
was in 1652. We find that this magistrate, Anthony 
Pearson, when afterwards reflecting on what those men had 
said in their defence, could not divest his mind of the 
apprehension that he had assisted in prosecuting two 
servants of the Lord who were made to suffer for their 
Christian faithfulness. Again and again throughout the 
year this thought haunted his conscience and disturbed his 
peace. There seemed no way of solving the question 
whether they were right or wrong, except by making him- 
self better acquainted wit 1 the principles and people they 
represented. In this state of mind he visited Judge Fell's 
f amity. What he saw there among those who had adopted 
the principles held by the condemned, only tended to 
deepen the conviction that they were right and he wrong. 

Pearson's religious views had heretofore been of that 
Calvinistic phase which dwells on justification by faith, 
dissevered from the Gospel doctrine, which also requires a 
continued progress in sanctification of heart and life, 
through the aid of the Holy Spirit. He held that doctrine 



76 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

of salvation by faith — as many bold it in tbe present day — 
in naked isolation. The faitb avowed — and standing for- 
ward without bearing the spirit of holiness — being of that 
fruitless character which the apostle James calls dead faith. 
" Faith, if it hath not works, is dead being alone. Yea, a 
man may say, Thou hast faith, and I have works ; shew me 
thy faith without thy works, and I will shew thee my faith 
by my works." 

Before that anxious inquirer had left Swarthmoor Hall, 
George Fox had an interview with him, which is thus 
noticed in his journal : " Much about this time it was that 
Anthony Pearson was convinced, who had been an opposer 
of Friends. He came over to Swarthmoor, and I being 
then at Colonel West's, they sent for me. Colonel West 
said, ' Go, George, for it may be of great service to the man.' 
So I went, and the Lord's power reached him." 

Yet we may be assured it was a difficult task that was be- 
fore Pearson, after his spiritual e}*es had been opened, to get 
his mind divested of the evils that had resulted from so long 
relying on a faith that had not purified his heart and life — 
a faith that had not proved its vitality, and had not been 
expected to be manifested through watchful obedience to 
the commands of the Saviour. He was a lawyer, and accus- 
tomed professionally to judge right or wrong by legal 
definition, rather than by the higher and holier injunctions 
of the Gospel. 

In the Swarthmoor collection of letters which have been 
preserved at Devonshire House, is one written by him some 
months after the above visit. It is addressed to an old 
friend, whom there is some reason to believe was Colonel 
Benson, though the superscription is not on the sheet with 
the letter, which is as follows : — . 

Anthony Pearson to his Friend. 

" Dear Friend, — I have long professed to serve and 
worship the true God, and, as I thought, above manv 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 17 

attained to a high pitch in religion ; but now, alas ! I find 
my work will not abide the fire. My notions were swelling 
vanities, without power or life. What it was to love 
enemies, to bless them that curse, to render good for evil, 
to use the world as using it not, to lay clown life for the 
brethren, I never understood : what purity and perfection 
meant, I never tasted. All my religion was but from the 
hearing of the ear, the believing and talking of a God and 
Christ in heaven, as in a place at a distance I knew not 
where. Oh ! how gracious was the Lord to me, in carrying 
me to Judge Fell's to see the wonders of His power and 
wisdom — a family walking in the fear of the Lord, con- 
versing daily with Him, crucified to the world, and living 
only to God. I was so confounded (on contemplating it) 
that all my knowledge and wisdom became as folly ; my 
mouth was stopped, my conscience convinced, the secrets 
of my heart were made manifest, and the Lord was dis- 
covered to be near whom I ignorantly worshipped. I 
could have talked of Christ, of the saints, and the hope 
of glory, but it was all (experimentally) a riddle to me. 

" Truly, dear friend, I must tell thee I have now lost all 
my religion, and am in such distress, I have no hope nor 
foundation left. My justification and assurance have for- 
saken me, and I am even like a poor shattered vessel, tossed 
to and fro, without a pilot or rudder — as blind, dead, and 
helpless as thou canst imagine. I never felt corruption so 
strong, and temptation so prevailing, as now. I have a proud, 
hard, flinty heart, that cannot be sensible of my misery. 
When I deeply consider how much precious time I have 
wasted, and how un profitably I have lived, my spirit feels a 
sudden fear; then I am still flying to m\ old refuge, and 
there my thoughts are diverted. What it means to wait 
upon God, I cannot apprehend. The confusions in my own 
spirit, together with the continual temptations from without, 
are so great; I cannot understand or perceive the small, 
still voice of the Lord. 



78 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" What thou told me of George Fox I found true. When 
thou seest him, or James Nayler (they both know my con- 
dition better than myself), move them (if neither of them 
be drawn this way) to help me with their counsel by letter. 
They are full of pity and compassion, and though I was 
their enemy, they are m} r friends ; and so is Francis 
Howgill, from whom I received a letter full of tenderness 
and wholesome advice. Oh 1 how welcome would the faces 
of any of them be to me ! Truly I think I could scorn the 
world, to have fellowship with them. But I find my heart 
is full of deceit, and I exceedingly fear to be beguiled (as 
I have been), and to be seduced into a form without power, 
into a profession before I possess the truth ; which would 
but multiply my misery, and deprive me both of God and 
the world. 

" Dear friend, there is a carrier comes from Kendal, within 
a mile of my house, every fortnight, and he shall call at Peter 
Higgin's, to bring any letter that shall be there left for me ; 
it will much refresh me to receive any lines from thee. But 
be thou faithful. Thou may perceive by my Ashdod lan- 
guage what countryman I am — even of the low world, that 
lives in darkness. 

" I am afraid lest the orders we made at Appleby cause 
some to suffer, who speak from the mouth of the Lord ; I 
heartily wish they were suppressed or recalled. 

" I have been at Judge Fell's, and have been informed from 
that precious soul, his consort, in some measure what these 
things mean which before I counted the overflowings of 
giddy brains. Dear heart, pity and pray for me ; and let 
all obligations of former friendship be discharged in well 
wishes to the soul of the old family friend, that he may 
partake with them of your heavenly possessions. 

" A. Pearson. 

" Bainshaw, near "West Auckland, 
May 9th, 1653." 

That remarkable letter gives a vivid picture of the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 79 

awakened state of a mind religiously disposed, but that had 
long been lulled into a false security by an imperfect ap- 
prehension of the great and gracious doctrine, justification 
by faith in Christ. That the same imperfect apprehension, 
accompanied bj r the same sort of false security, exists 
extensively in this day, who that considers the feverish 
religious addresses on the point in question which abound 
in certain directions, can doubt, when in conjunction there- 
with they see not the fruits of the Spirit ? 

And what a bright brief glimpse the letter presents of the 
atmosphere of Christian purity and love which surrounded 
that beautiful family at the hall ; then composed of every 
age from infancy to blooming womanhood. In 1653, Rachel, 
the youngest, was a baby ; Margaret, the eldest, about twenty 
years of age ; George, the only son, about sixteen ; and his 
companion, William Caton, seventeen. The elder 3^oung 
ladies, the two boj^s, and all the children old enough to 
understand, were then much interested in the religious 
developments going on around them. We find that the 
young heir of Swarthmoor at that period had his sympa- 
thies and admiration warmly awakened for Quaker prin- 
ciples, and towards his mother's Quaker guests. Caton 
speaks of the preaching of George Fox as having aroused 
religious feeling in all of their minds. Of himself he says, 
" The witness of God was awakened in me, whereby my sins 
came to be set in order before me, and brought judgment 
and condemnation upon me." Eventually the sense of 
condemnation gave place to that of reconciliation and joy, of 
which bespeaks thus: — "Oh, the preciousness and excel- 
lency of that day ! Its glory and blessedness wherewith shall 
I demonstrate it ! or by what means shall I explain it, that 
generations to come may understand and give glory unto 
the Lord Jehovah ? Of his surroundings at that time he says, 
" I confess I find n^-self insufficient to declare to the utmost 
the love which abounded amongst us in that family. The 
freshness of the power of the Lord God — the zeal for Him 



80 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

and His truth — the comfort and refreshment we had from 
His presence —the nearness and dearness that were amongst 
us, one towards another! My heart is affected with the 
very remembrance of them at this distant day." 

William Caton's education was conducted from the time 
he was fourteen with that of the Judge's only son; — first 
under a clerical tutor at the Hall, and afterwards at a 
public school. It was intended that the two boys should 
thus together proceed with their studies, and finally go to 
College as companions. The parents of young Fell were 
glad to secure so amiable and excellent a companion for 
their son and heir, who was to be educated for the law; 
whilst Caton on his part appreciated most warmly the 
love, and regard, bestowed on him in that noble family , as 
he often calls it. In the brief autobiography he left of his 
short life, he gives frequent expression to feelings of 
grateful appreciation, in speaking of that admirably regu- 
lated and most hospitable home. With young Fell he 
used to join in all his rural amusements— sometimes on 
fishing and shooting excursions, often hunting over the 
moors and exploring among the mountains. When such 
sports lost their charms for Caton, his companionship of 
course was less cared for by George. 

Thus he alludes to that early period: — 

"At that time I had not left the school, but did go along 
with Judge Fell's son thereto; and he being somewhat con- 
vinced of the same truth, and somewhat touched with the 
same power, it was the easier and the better for me. How- 
beit, we were often wild, vain, and wanton, and sported 
ourselves in folly, to the extinguishing of the good often- 
times in ourselves. But such was the love of God to me 
in those days, that I was as surety pursued with judgment 
as I was overtaken with folly. Sometimes I would separate 
myself from the rest of my schoolfellows, and get retired 
into "some place where I might wait upon the Lord, and 
ponder on His marvellous works. When thus in singleness 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 81 

of heart I waited upon God, I received refreshment from 
Him ; but when drawn aside through the provocation of 
my companion, or the temptations of the Wicked One in 
myself, then was I troubled and disquieted in my own heart. 
In process of time my study became my burden ; for when 
I was so much in trouble through the sense of condemna- 
tion that was upon me, I was so much the more incapable 
of making themes and composing Latin verses." 

When the time came that the two y ouths should enter 
a higher school, young Caton feeling troubled, Margaret 
Fell observed the cloud that was over him, and on ascer- 
taining the cause, declared that her son George should go 
alone, and William, if he wished, might remain at home, 
be her secretary, and give some assistance in the tuition of 
the other children. With this arrangement he was delighted ; 
not so his friends. They thought he was acting foolishly 
in casting away a college education, and all the prospects 
it might open to him. But ambition, with its dreams of 
high intellectual attainments and earthly distinction, had 
lost its hold on his heart. Thus he expresses himself: 
" My delight was not then in the vain perishing transitory 
things of the world as it had been, but my delight was in 
the Lord, in His mercy and loving-kindness, and to be with 
His people." To have secured their company he says he 
would have submitted cheerfully to severe labour ; like 
Amos, to have been a keeper of cattle, or like Elisha, to 
have followed the plough ; "For indeed, in those daj T s I did 
enjoy and possess that which made all things easy and light 
to me. And, Oh! the abundance of living refreshment 
which I received from the Lord ! It is hard for me to declare 
the same to the utmost. I was often overcome with the love 
of my Father, which did exceedingly break and ravish my 
heart. And so I know it was with others of that family. 
Of the overflowings thereof we did communicate one to 
another. Truly willing were we to sympathise with and 
bear one with another, and in true and tender love to watch 



82 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

one over another. And Oh! the love, mercy and power of 
God which abounded to us, through us, and among us, who 
shall declare it ? Hence came that worthy family to be so 
renowned in the nation. The power and presence of the 
Lord being so much there, it was a means to induce many, 
even from afar, to come thither, so that at one time there 
would be Friends out of five or six counties [assembled at 
the Hall]." 

Being M. F.'s secretary he says, gave him great privileges 
of intimate acquaintance with her guests. "I was frequently," 
he writes, "with dear George Fox, who as a tender-hearted 
father (after he had begotten me through the Gospel) 
sought to nurture me up in all wisdom, faithfulness, and 
righteousness, to the glory and praise of my Heavenly 
Father. On the other hand I was cherished and encouraged 
in the way of life by my entirely beloved friend Margaret 
Fell. As a tender nursing mother she cared for me as if I 
had been one of her own children. The kindness, the re- 
spect, the friendship she showed, can never be forgotten 
by me." 

Before he had attained the age of eighteen, William 
Caton believed himself called by the Lord to the work of the 
ministry. Soon after that he prepared to leave Swarthmoor, 
the loved home of his youth, to which his thoughts in after 
years so Often reverted when confined in gloomy prisons 
for conscience' sake ; and again, when preaching the Gospel 
in foreign lands, Swarthmoor he looked back upon as an 
oasis of heavenly light and love. He thus alludes to his 
leaving : " After I had had many glorious days there, and 
seen many of the wonderful works of the Lord, in the 
fulness of time, according to the will of God, I was called 
out from among them ; the Lord having service for me 
abroad. When it was the will of the Lord that I should 
go, the Judge was much against it, being very unwilling to 
part with me ; but his dear wife, who could not well give 
me up before, was then willing to resign me to the Lord ; 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 83 

for I left not them to serve other men, hut to declare 
abroad God's eternal truth." 

Caton ultimately took up his abode in Holland, having 
been one of the first Quaker missionaries among the Dutch. 
He also travelled extensively in other continental countries 3 
and several times returned to England in prosecuting his 
ministerial labours. It was chiefly in England that he 
endured severe persecution and prolonged imprisonment. 
Swarthmoor Hall he ever regarded as his English home, 
and Margaret Eell as his loving Christian mother and 
tender wise adviser. 

Thus she writes to him after he had settled in Holland : — 

"My dear lamb, — My love flows freely unto thee who 
art a vessel fitted for the Master's use. In thy own portion 
and inheritance which is given unto thee by God dwell 
continually, that thou mayst feel a daily renewing and 
increase of His government, and a growing from glory to 
glory ; from one stature to another ; up to the perfect man 
in Christ. 

" The everlasting God and Father of our Lord Jesus 
Christ be with thee, and preserve thee ; and lead and guide 
thee in His counsel and wisdom." 

In the year 1665, about eleven years after he first left 
Swarthmoor, William Caton died in Holland ; his life 
probably having been shortened by his frequent imprison- 
ments and his unceasing exertions as a Gospel missionary. 
George Fox, in his journal, alludes to his decease thus : 
" He died in the Lord and is blessed ; he rests from his 
labours and his works do follow him." 

A few 3 r ears before his death he had married a Dutch 
lady who had joined the Friends in Holland. This union 
seems to have been a very happy one. The j^oung widow 
afterwards came to England, to visit her husband's revered 
friends at Swarthmoor. 

In a former chapter allusion was made to Colonel Ben- 
son's wife having been imprisoned at York, for speaking her 



84 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

mind openly to a clergyman about the unchristian character 
of his proceedings as a religious persecutor. Having met 
with some unpublished letters from her husband that men- 
tion her subsequent to that event, and not being aware 
that any of Gervase Benson's private letters have ever been 
published, or that anything is known of the lingering 
illness that succeeded his wife's cruel imprisonment, I shall, 
therefore, give some extracts. 

The first is to George Fox, in the year 1653, in which 
Colonel Benson says : " My wife I left at York in outwax'd 
bonds but in much inward freedom and comfort. Anne 
Blakeling I left with her. It was from the Lord, Blakeling's 
coming to York ; my wife expecting every hour since she 
came hither to fall into travail." 

After her confinement in York Castle she seems never to 
have regained her former health, as we hear from her 
hausband's letters to Margaret Fell. Most of these letters 
are without dates, but they appear to belong to the period 
included between 1653 and 1655. It is evident she pos- 
sessed an ardent, generous spirit, which led her to admire 
the straightforwardness .and honesty of the Friends ; con- 
trasting them with the conduct of some of their conspicuous 
enemies. The rebuke she gave to the York clergyman 
about the persecuting spirit he had taken part in, was 
dictated by these feelings ; but it would seem from remarks 
in the following letter of her husband, that she had been 
the subject of injudicious advice volunteered by some who 
did not comprehend her character and feelings : — 

Gervase Benson to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear Sister, — Notice being given me of business that 
lately happened amongst the commission at Preston wherein 
Truth is much concerned, I acquainted my wife therewith, 
Who at present is very weak in the outward body. She was 
free that I should go to Lancaster and pass over to Colonel 
West to answer his questions expressed in the simplicity ; he 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 85 

having much wished to speak with me. But in consideration 
of her condition I cannot feel freedom for so long a staj^as to 
go to Swarthmoor till further way be made, which I wait for. 
As for my wife's health, there is great weakness, though 
her cough is not so much as formerly. She is come of late 
into more moderation in words. And surely the forward- 
ness of some who came to her, in judging her and did not 
comprehend her, their judgement did hurt and no good at 
all. But in the will of the Lord I wait, expecting a happy 
issue and believing that her sufferings and trials shall be for 
the best." 

Again Colonel Benson writes to Margaret Fell : — 

" It lay upon me to write to Anthony Pearson to be at 
the meeting at Preston, which accordingly I did, and sent 
the letter to him ; and as for Thomas Lawson and William 
Adamson, if thou write to them, it is likely they may be 
serviceable also ; and my thoughts were upon James Lan- 
caster, if thou seest it convenient. The rest I leave to thee 
as the Lord shall direct thee, my dear sister. In the 
measure of life received from Ilim who gives freely to all 
that wait upon Him, is our wisdom and our strength whereby 
we may overcome all enemies. In His will I desire to 
stand ;— by Him alone to be ordered and directed in what 
He calls me to. Yerily, dear sister, the enemj- hath pushed 
sore at me, both within and without, at home and abroad. 
But in the name of the Lord he hath been driven back, and 
my soul is pi-eserved, and my life given me as a prey out 
of the snare of the fowler — praises to Him for ever ! 

" When the Lord makes way, I desire much to see thy 
face — let thy prayers be for me, that I may be preserved in 
His fear, for there is my safety, ' when I am weak, then am 
I strong.' And this I know, that He is faithful whom I 
have trusted, and He hath delivered and will deliver me, if I 
stand in His counsel. 

" My wife is very weak, and very sensible of her outward 
infirmity : she is in a pretty, sober, silent, and staid con- 



86 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

dition — waiting for the time of refreshing from the Lord, 
whose verily she is and into whose hands we commit all." 

Under date 20th of 11th mo., 1655, he addresses Margaret 
Fell thus : — " In the love of my Father I salute thee, and 
am present with thee in spirit though absent in body, by 
reason of the continued weakness of my wife — for which 
cause I cannot well part from her. I do not see but that 
her outward health doth somewhat increase — she being now 
able to go up and down through the house, which she tells 
me till lately she could not have done. In the will of God 
I desire to wait, and have hopes of a comfortable issue."* 

No later particulars of this lady's health, and no record of 
her death have I met with, save the following brief notice 
in George Fox's Journal, when, speaking of Justice Ben- 
son's wife having been to visit him, he adds — " She was an 
honest, tender woman, and continued faithful to the truth 
until she died." 

By the register of births in Kendal Quarterly Meeting, it 
appears that her last child was the little son born in York 
Castle, 2nd of 12th mo., 1653, who was named Emanuel. 



CHAPTER VII. 

1654—1660. 
Letter from Anthony Pearson to George Fox — Pearson's 
great case of tlthe — epistle from margaret fell on 
the establishment of a fund for church expenses — gerard 
croese on the loving care extended by the friends to all 
their Members — Thomas Aldam's Imprisonment — His Cor- 
respondence with Margaret Fell — His Liberation — His 
Letter to Judge Fell — His Visit to the Prisons of Eng- 
land — Interview with the Protector — His Death. 

Justice Pearson, whose religious convictions are devel- 



* The fo egoing extracts from lette:s of Geivase Benson, were 
copied from the Devonshire House Collection of Swarthmoor MSS. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 8T 

oped in his own letter inserted in last chapter, was one of 
the earliest Quaker preachers in the English metropolis. 
During the interim from writing that letter till starting on 
this mission, his mind must have experienced a great 
change ; comfort and consolation from the Lord seems to 
hare taken place of the alienation and coldness of which he 
formerly complained. He had just returned from London 
when he wrote the one now introduced : 

Anthony Pearson to George Fox. 

" 30th 5 th Mo., 165 Jp. 

" Most dearly beloved [friend], — The last night but one 
I came to my own dwelling at [name not legible]. I left 
Francis Howgill, Edward Burrough, John Camm, and 
Richard Hubberthorn, in London the second daj^ of last 
week. We found very many [there] who have a true prin- 
ciple of honesty in them ; but, for the most part, they are 
so high flown in [their own] wisdom and notions, that it is 
hard to reach them. Nothing can enter till that wisdom be 
confounded. 

" Oh ! that none might be sent to London but those who 
are raised up in the life of truth, who dwell in the living 
power of God, whose words may have authority ; for there 
are so many to oppose and gainsay, that weak ones will 
suffer the truth to be trampled on ; and there are so many 
rude savage apprentices, and young people, and Ranters, 
that nothing but the power of the Lord can chain them. 
Dear heart, let none go to London but in the clear and pure 
movings of the Spirit of Life ; that the blessing may rest 
upon them. And great is the harvest like to be in that 
city ; hundreds are convinced, and thousands wait to see 
the issue, who have persuasions that it is the truth. Many 
honest hearts are among the waiters, and some that have 
joined the Ranters are pretty people. 

" The living power of God was made manifest to the 
confounding of all, and we carried above ourselves, to the 



SS THE FELLS OP SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

astonishment both of ourselves and others ; we were made to 
speak tremblingly among them, in dread and much fear. 

" When I can hear where thou art, I must go to thee. 
Dear heart, pray for me and all Avith me, that we may be 
kept in the fear of the Lord, to the praise of His great 
Name. 

" The bearer hastens me, and I can now write no more, 
only my wife's and family's love to all Friends.* 

" Anthony Pearson." 

The writer of the above letter was one of no ordinary 
mental distinction ; he was a learned man and a close rea- 
soner, possessing a comprehensive understanding and, as 
before stated, much legal knowledge; these gifts being 
brought into active use in the Lord's vineyard, made their 
possessor conspicuously useful as a Quaker controversialist. 
He is often mentioned in connection with the efforts and 
controversies of the earl} r Friends, as one who did much to 
prove the anti-Christian character of tithes. In 1657 he 
published the " Great case of Tithes — a treatise addressed 
to the Farmers and Husbandmen of England." It is still 
extensively circulated by Friends as an anti-tithe tract. It 
develops the history of tithe, its absence from the early 
Christian Church, its first introduction, and the opposition 
it met at various eras. 

In that work Pearson travels, in a brief but masterly 
manner, through early Church history down into English 
history, and down into the consideration of the legal diffi- 
culties and obligations which encompassed the case. But 
the question about the duty of providing a maintenance 
for Gospel missionaries or preachers, who devote all their 
time, or so much of it as precludes them from realizing a 
suitable maintenance, is neither solved nor attempted in 
this tract. It is only clerical and priestly assumptions, and 
the impost of enforced tithes, which are discussed and 

* Orig'nal in Devonshire House Collection of Swarthmoor MSS. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 89 

proved to be un-Christian both from their history and their 
character. 

The early Friends were not unmindful that the command 
of the Lord Jesus, " Freely ye hare received, freely give," 
is accompanied by the plain declaration that the spiritual 
labourer is to be furnished with all things necessary to his 
physical comfort by those among whom he labours. They 
recognized this obligation, and faithfully acted upon it- 
But they also recognized the" heresy of a human priesthood" 
under the Christian dispensation, and along with it the com- 
pulsory taking of one-tenth of the fruit of the husbandman's 
toil for its maintenance. 

During the short period of the parliamentary government 
that intervened between the death of Cromwell and the 
restoration of Charles the Second, we find Anthon} T Pearson 
and other Friends petitioning against tithe. It seems also 
to have been suggested that same other national arrange- 
ment be made for the support of the ministry instead of tithe. 
Thus, in a letter from Alexander Parker to Margaret Fell, 
dated London, 9th mo., 1659, is the following postscript: 
— " Here are many Friends out of the country in this cit}', 
as Gervase Benson, Anthony Pearson, Thomas Aldam, &c. 
They deliver the subscription against tithes to-morrow, if 
they can, to Parliament.''* In another letter from Edward 
Billing, written about six months after the above, this 
paragraph occurs : " The Parliament have declared that the 
priests' maintenance shall be by way of tithes ; and that 
they will govern according to law. Till now they had 
pretended, at the least, to regulate the law, and that the 
priest should have his tithe [only] till another maintenance 
could be found. "f 

At an early period of its organization, the Society of 
Friends was accustomed to call for voluntary subscriptions, 

* See Barclay's "Letters of EarlyFriends, " page 71. 
\ Ibid., page 77. 



90 THE PELLS OP SWARTHM00R HALL, 

in order to raise funds for defraying necessary expenses 
of the Church. Beautifully and nobly did our forefathers 
fulfil their duty in that respect. As good stewards, they 
dispensed wisely in Christian love that which was entrusted 
to them by the great Giver. An epistle from Margaret 
Tell, of a very early date, is now before me, which shows 
how earnestly she entered into the question of general and 
generous contributions. With a careful, Christian over- 
sight, when she perceived the weight was not duly diffused, 
she wiseby interposed, that all might understand the neces- 
sities of the body ; and that the few most open-handed, open- 
hearted, who in then- love and zeal would give, and give, 
and give, rather than ask from others, might not be suffered 
to bear an undue proportion. 

The epistle is addressed thus : — " To all my dear brethren 
and sisters which are in the light, and tire children of the 
light." The writer then dwells at considerable length on 
the apostolic figure of the human body, and its indvidual 
members, as typifying the Church of Christ composed of 
spiritual members as various as are the corpore.il members 
— in the one case, as in the other, each member being 
important to the well-being of the whole. She reminds 
them that " each is to love one another, and be serviceable 
to one another, that each one may be made willing to suffer 
for the body's sake, and where one member suffers, that 
the other members may suffer with it. " Proceeding thus : — 

" You cannot be unmindful or ignorant of the present 
sufferings and service of many members of the body in 
this our da} 7- , which are in bonds, in imprisonment, and 
enduring hard persecution and tyranny. Others are sent 
forth on the service of the Most High as lambs among 
wolves, and made willing to give their backs to the smiter 
— yea, to lay down their lives for the body's sake. Oh ! 
that each particular member of the body may be sensible 
of the hardships and suffering of others, and be serviceable 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 91 

in their place in -what the Lord requires ; remembering 
those that are in bonds as bound "with them ! 

" Our Friends in Westmoreland have borne the heat of 
the day — many have been sent forth into the service from 
thence, which has caused the burden to be heavy on the 
rest thereabouts. Most of all our friends at Kendal — our 
dear brethren, George Taylor and Thomas Willan [in 
particular] — have been very serviceable to the whole body, 
to those that have been sent forth into the ministry, and to 
them that have suffered imprisonment. [They have also 
advanced] money for books and several other things. 
Knowing at this time that they are out of purse, I see in 
the unchangeable light of God that all who are of the bodjr 
ought to administer freely according to their ability, as 
they have received of the Lord, that there ma} r be some 
money in a flock for disbursing either to Friends that go 
forth into the service or to prisoners' necessities. I am 
moved of the Lord to acquaint you with it, that in your 
several meetings in this part of Lancashire and "Westmore- 
land, excepting the town of Kendal, and at the several 
meetings in Cumberland, that it be gathered and sent to 
Thomas Willan and George Taylor, to be disbursed 
according as the Lord requires, and that the burden may 
not lie upon them more than others. 

" So may God Almight}- keep you in His everlasting love 
and unity ! Your dear sister in the unchangeable truth, 

" Margaret Fell.* 
"1654." 

Care for the necessities of all the members of their church 
marked the Friends from the first. Gerard Croese, the 
Dutch contemporary author before referred to, speaks of 
of that chaiacteristic thus: "Their most conspicuous 

* The above is extracted from the original document in the pos- 
session of Mary Thimbeck, of Bristol, a descendant of Margaret 
FeU. 



92 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

virtue was diligent love, care, and watchfulness, over those 
of their faction, especially as to religious concerns. As to 
the ordinary actions of human life, they were free from 
pride or ostentation. They were affable, familiar, and 
bountiful to those of an inferior station. They were merci- 
ful, liberal, and compassionate to the miserable and afflicted, 
either in body or mind ; every one helped another either 
with his substance, counsel, or assistance as his capacity 
allowed, and the necessity of his neighbour required, so that 
none of them wanted for anything. Their chiefest care and 
business was so to accommodate all their actions, as that 
they might seem not to introduce any new upstart religion ; 
but to resemble the ancient primitive church, imitating 
their simplicity, gravity, and virtuous demeanour. Ify all 
which it came to pass that many were added to them, 
every body being astonished at the singularity of their car- 
riage. I am myself acquainted with a very learned worthy 
man who having heard such things of them, had the curi- 
osity to undertake a voyage to England, in order to satisfy 
himself of the verity of what was reported. After he had 
arrived there, and had conversed with them and had seen 
their actions, which far surpassed his expectations, he was 
so much taken with them that he forthwith yielded himself 
a member of their Society. But the rest of the world who 
did not join with them abhorred them and all their actions ; 
believing all their fair pretences to be but shows disguised 
with smooth countenances and deceitful words, insomuch 
that they would not hear nor be witnesses to any of their 
doings."* 

The case of Margaret Fell's friend, Thomas Aldam, 
illustrates the extreme measures to which judges and 

* The work of Croese was originally written in Latin, and dedi- 
cated to Nicholas Witsen, Burgomaster and Senator of Amsterdam. 
It was translated into English, and published in England in 1696, 
from which edition I quote. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 93 

magistrates often proceeded against those who in courts of 
justice maintained their scruples against taking off their 
hats. That which in the first instance led to his imprison- 
ment, arose out of something he said to a clergyman which 
the latter disapproved, therefore impunged as blasphemy, 
and had him taken up. The particulars of their conversa- 
tion are not recorded, but the charge being ultimately 
deemed untenable and abandoned by the clergyman's own 
friends, we may rest satisfied he had said nothing wrong. 

When the assizes at York came round the prisoner was 
placed at the bar ; but before entering on the case the Judge 
observing he had his hat on, ordered him to take it off. 
Thomas Aldam, instead of doing so, attempted to explain 
his reasons for not uncovering his head, the Judge forth- 
with denounced him for contempt of court, and for that 
offence condemned him to pay a fine of forty pounds, a sum 
which in that day was probably equal to 150 or 200 pounds of 
the present currency. Aldam declining to pay the fine, he 
was ordered back to prison without the charge on which he 
had been originally incarcerated being heard at all. After 
he had lain in prison ten months, his brother took up the case 
and carried a letter from him to Judge Parker, and also 
called on the neighbouring magistrates to interfere'. Thomas 
Aldam says, in his letter to Margaret Fell, that the next 
day the magistrates came to him in the castle : 

" Four of them," says he, " did draw out a discharge and 
brought it into the castle garth ; and two of them came 
with it and sent for me, and told me they had given me a 
discharge for the offence of speaking to the priest. But 
they also told me I must enter bond to be bound to good 
behaviour. I told them the Lord had bound me by His 
righteous, law written in my heart, to owe nothing to any 
man but love, and any other bonds were needless. Neither 
was I free to become bound unto them when the Lord had 
bound me to love my neighbour as myself. Then they said 



94 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

they would take my word. I told them peace was to be 
with what the Lord cried peace to, but there was no peace 
to the wicked. And as the Lord did call me to testify 
against that which there was no peace to, I was to obey God 
and not man. So they went their way and told me they 
would take my word. All this they did to quit themselves 
before men — quitting me of the first charge when they had 
me fast prisoner under the second. 

" Many tempters came to me from those men called 
Justices, who told me that the Justices would use means to 
get the Judge to take off the fine and set me at liberty, if I 
would but submit myself to him and them. But the Lord 
was pleased to keep me by His Almighty power from 
putting confidence in man, and enabled me to stand stead- 
fast in His will whether I be brought forth out of these 
outward bonds, yea or nay, and therein I have peace. 

" My brother desired an answer to my letter to John 
Parker (the Judge), but he replied that he could see no 
submission at all in my letter, but that I seemed resolute 
in my opinion, and if I would not submit to them my fine 
must rest, and I might sigh till I had paid it. Towards 
the latter end of the assizes I put up a petition for justice, 
and sent it to the sheriff, desiring him to present it. It was 
as follows : — 

To the noble Hugh Peathell, placed to be a magistrate to 
do justice. 

" I desire that I may find so much favour from thee as to 
present this to the magistrates who are set up to judge 
according to the law of God, which is without respect of 
persons — not honouring the persons of the rich nor respec- 
ting the persons of the poor in judgment. The law is for 
the punishing of the evil doer and for the praise of those 
that do well. I have been ten months here a prisoner, and 
could never see my accusers face to face, nor have any 
traverse with them. I desire that my case may come to a 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 95 

hearing before the Bench or Court to know what I am 
accused of, and that my accusers may be brought face to 
face with me, that I may have the privilege which is given 
to thieves and murderers, and not be kept in close hold 
contrary to the law of God or reason ; that my offence be 
made known, and that I suffer accordingly, or else beset at 
libert}^ 

" The next day 'I was brought before the judge by means 
of the sheriff; not being suffered to go within the bar, he 
called to the jailor to take off my hat ; I answered that it 
was not my hat that could honour him, and then stood in 
silence. He called to the jailor, and bade him speak to me 
to know if I would submit to the Court concerning my fine ; 
if so he would speak to me, otherwise I might go to prison. 
My answer to the jailer was, — I did submit to authority as 
it was of God. He said if I would not submit to the Court 
I must go with him, and then did force me away with him. 
And John Parker (called a judge) would not suffer me to 
stand before him, neither did he speak a word to me ; he was 
angry with the sheriff that I was brought up. These wicked 
tyrants seek to keep truth in a hold, but the power of the 
Lord doth abundantly break forth to His everlasting honour, 
to whom be praises for ever. 

" There were three other brethren, my fellow prisoners, 
who were called up, but I cannot give an account of what 
was spoken to them. These outward bonds are as nothing 
to me through the love of the Father. I did receive thy 
letter as a token of thy love. 

" Thy dear brother in the Lord 

Thomas Aldam, 

Who thirsteth after the welfare of Zion. 

All my fellow-prisoners do salute thee 

in love — We are ten in number — we are 

in health — Farewell." 
"3rd Mo., 1653." 

When the York magistrates and Judge Parker would do 



96 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

nothing towards giving Thomas Aldam a fair trial, there 
was application made to a higher authority. In about seven 
months after the date of the above letter, when another 
assize had passed over without his case being heard, an 
order came from the Protector for his release. Thus he 
then writes to his friend Margaret Fell : — 

" There were two parchments came from London to com- 
mand them who my body did keep in bonds to set me free, 
and to release me from the fine imposed upon me. There 
was one of the parchments had the broad seal, which they 
called a pardon for the fines. On the tth day of the ICth 
month I was set out of bonds, and the 8th day in the 
morning [I was made to feel] that I was then to deliver a 
paper to the sheriff of York, who is newly put in, and to 
read it in his presence before I did depart from the city. 
To him I was to clear my conscience and to speak to that of 
God in his conscience ; and then to the mayor of York. 
The doors were all open, and in the new sheriff's chamber 
this paper was read aloud to him, many bailiffs who stood 
at the door hearkening, and his spirit was so bound down 
as not to gainsay anything written therein. He disowned 
the judgment of John Parker and said it was a hard thing 
done by him. He said he had nothing against me. Then 
through the town, to and fro, I went to speak in the streets 
and finish nry testimony. From the city I did afterwards 
depart in great peace ; praises be to the Lord for ever and 
ever!" 

The following letter explains the instrumentality through 
which Thomas Aldam 's release was secured. 

Anthony Pearson to Margaret Fell. 

* * * * " I have returned from London, and with much 
difficulty have brought down a discharge for Thomas 
Aldam. I was with the Protector about it, and with the 
Attorney-General, the Commissioners of the Treasury, the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 97 

Commissioners of the Great Seal, the Barons of the Ex- 
chequer, as they are called, ami with many other great men, 
before it could be finished — and few courts but heard of it. 
I believe it will be of much service, and give warning to all 
those that are judges to take heed not to do the like here- 
after. There was noway for getting his liberty but to have 
a discharge under the broad seal. 1 had an order under the 
Protector's own hand, but that was not sufficient, for he 
signed three other papers, aud seemed very ready to do it. 
He stood all the time I was with him with his hat off, which 
was much noised abroad, many being present. All the great 
men and judges then seemed desirous to have me come 
before them, and I had such ready despatch by them all as 
was wonderful. The fees would have come near to twenty 
pounds, but I could not pay any fees, which made it the 
more strange however it was done ; only I gave something 
to clerks for parchment and wax, and some of their pains. 
I am this day going to York about T. A. his liberty, and so 
I intend to go on to my wife who hath desires to see George, 
and the next week we hope to return together to Balbj'. 

" My dear love to thyself and the Judge, and all your 
family from 

" Thy loving Friend, 

" Anthony Pearson." * 
"28th 9th Mo., 1654." 

It is pleasant to have even one such instance to relate as 
the above, of Cromwell's interference in promptly discoun- 
tenancing the persecuting spirit of inferior officials. 

The following letter was written some time after Thomas 
Aldam's release : — 

Thomas Aldam to Judge Fell. 

" My dear friend, Judge Fell, — I write unto thee desiring 
that the Lord may keep thee by His everlasting power, that 

* From the Devonshire House Swarthmoor MSS. 



98 TIIE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

thou mayst stand in the counsel of the Lord, and beware of 
looking to the wisdom of the flesh to be thy counsellor. 
Stand free in the wisdom of God — His wisdom is foolishness 
to the world, as it hath been ever. Oh, be thou valiant in 
the work cf the Lord — the righteous man is bold as a lion ; 
be valiant for truth upon the earth and tread upon all 
deceit. The heathen are in great rage about you through 
the deceitful clergy who hath the people in bondage. They 
are blind in that they live in pride and oppression, teaching 
for the doctrine of Christ their own repetitions and the 
divinations of their own brain. 

" Dear Friend, there is a great trial near thee ; but re- 
member Satan offered our Saviour all the Kingdoms of the 
world, saying they were his to give to whomever lie did 
please to give them, and how our Saviour did resist the 
tempter by the power of God in Him. The tempter will 
say thou shalt lose honour, or it may be he will say thou 
wilt lose the favour of some great men of the earth, by 
owning the truth made manifest in such a poor despised 
people, whom all the world hates and are in an uproar 
against. 

" Oh, dear friend, for His everlasting truth's sake be not 
negligent in the work of the Lord. It is required of thee 
to do justice, to love mercy, and to walk humbly before thy 
God. The Lord hath not called many rich, nor many 
noble, but He hath chosen the poor things and foolish things 
of the world to confound the wisdom of the wise. The 
wisdom of all men in the first nature is foolishness with 
God. Be thou faithful in thy place and cast down tlry crown 
at the feet of Jesus. Thou must count all things but as 
dross and dung in comparison with Him. Earthly honour 
is but dust, gold and silver are but dross, all the pleasures 
and delights of the world are but vanity."* 

* From the original in the Devonshire House Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 99 

About a year after Thomas Aldarn's release from York 
Castle, Oliver Cromwell affecting to disbelieve the state- 
ments which the Friends placed before him of the great 
number of their brethren who were imprisoned, he and 
Anthony Pearson made a general visitation to the prisons 
throughout England. They took down the names and the 
particulars respecting the commitment of every Friend 
they found incarcerated. Then they waited on the Pro- 
tector, presenting the document and stating what they had 
seen. Finding him determined not to interfere, Thomas 
Aldam took his cap from his head, and rending it, exclaimed, 
" So shall the government of this nation be rent from thee 
and thy house ! " 

His missionary labours extended throughout England, 
Ireland and Scotland. His great zeal and earnestness were 
in no way damped by the numerous sufferings to which he 
was exposed in the course of his ministry. But at length 
his physical powers gave away, and looking back from the 
bed of death over his past labours, he exclaimed, with 
thankfulness and rejoicing in the Lord, " I am clear of the 
blood of all men." His son, who wrote an account of his 
beloved father's death, closes with the following remarks : — 
" When I remember the fervency of spirit which did attend 
him, and how when he had to take a journey he would call 
his wife and children together, and in great tenderness and 
humility bow his knees before the Lord, and pour out his 
supplications unto Him, desiring earnestly that the Lord 
might go with Him, and committing us unto His keeping, 
and what brokenness of heart was among us at such times, 
and how the love of God did abound, then can my soul 
say those were precious seasons nev<_r to be forgotten, but 
recorded, that we may tell our children, and that they also 
may declare when we ai*e gone, how good the Lord hath 
been unto His people, and what great cause they have to 
love Him and put their trust in Him ; that His name may 

L.ofC. 



100 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

be renowned among our families so long as they shall have 
a being.'' 

Thomas Aldam died in the year 1660, and his remains 
were interred in Friends' burial-ground at Warmsworth. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

1653—1663. 

Margaret Fell's Correspondence — Her Letter to Colonel 
West on behalf of the persecuted Members of the 
Quaker Church — Letters to Imprisoned Friends— Her 
Correspondence with Francis Howgill — His Death in 
Prison. 

To notice all the occasions on which Margaret Fell may 
b3 found coming nobly forward to cherish the persecuted 
and afflicted, would carry this narrative over far too exten- 
sive a field. I must, therefore, when beyond her own family, 
limit the notices of her widely-spread correspondence to 
persons or events which have some historical association. 
Comparatively few of her own letters are extant. But the 
numerous epistles received from grateful friends who 
responded to her kindness, and communicated to her their 
joys and griefs, are the next best exponents of her expan- 
sive sjmpathies, and haply the number of these which has 
been preserved is very great. But however largely they 
may be drawn on, her own letters shall always be intro- 
duced in preference whenever they can bo had to illustrate 
the narrative. 

In the year 1653, Margaret Fell's youngest child was 
born, so that she had then a family from infancy upwards 
to superintend and care for. With the Hall so frequently 
full of guests, and arrangements to organize for the accom- 
modation of such a household, no marvel that young Caton 
was highly valued as her amanuensis when letters on 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 101 

business or ordinary inquiries had to be -written. But 
words of hope and consolation were from her own pen. 
To her sisters in Christian fellowship who were at home 
solitaiy or timid, whilst their husbands, their fathers, their 
sons, and their brothers, were confined in pestilential jails, 
she wrote to sj^mpathize when she could not visit them. 
And to the prisoners themselves she sent letters that 
pointed rejoicingly to their courage and trust in the Saviour, 
to patient endurance and ultimate triumph. 

Writing to Francis Howgill and other prisoners who 
were confined in Appleby Jail in 1653, she says: "You 
have peace, you have joy, you have boldness, you are above 
the world, standing in righteousness. Look not at the 
hard rocks, look not at the briars, nor at the thorns ; look 
not at the mountains, nor at the coldness, for well may all 
these be when there have been no vine-dressers, no plough- 
men — none to dress the ground, — no seedsmen to sow the 
[heavenly] seed. The true seedsmen must not regard the 
weather, nor the winds that blow, but sow the seed before 
the winter. There is a winter time and there is a summer 
time ; a time to sow the seed and a time to reap. May the 
Lord give joxi an understanding in all these things and 
keep you in His love." 

The extent of M. F.'s correspondence can only be judged, 
as before remarked, by the numerous letters she received, 
which, as religious mementoes, were preserved at Swarth- 
moor Hall during her lifetime, and from thence they have 
since been transmitted down to the present day. Among 
hundreds of letters addressed to her,* which are in the 
manuscript library at Devonshire House, there are only 
two or three of her own. Those she wrote to her children 
have chiefly reached me through their descendants. The 
editor of •' Letters of Early Friends " observes, " It is 



* There are upwards of 400 letters addressed to M. F. in the 
Devonshire House Collection alone. 



102 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

remarkable with what high esteem and Christian love 
Margaret Fell appears to have been regarded by our early 
and most eminent Friends ; she seems to have been gener- 
ally acknowledged as the faithful nursing-mother of the 
flock ; and she often addressed them when they were in 
bonds, or otherwise tried, with letters of consolation and 
encouragement. It is also probable she contributed largely 
to the relief of their outward necessities." Yes, a faithful 
Christian nursing-mother she was indeed — as the letters of 
those she cherished and watched over with maternal love 
so abundantly declare. That was the mission in which she 
excelled much more than as a doctrinal writer. 

A packet of copies of epistles, some to the imprisoned 
Friends and some to Friends generally, which were written 
by Margaret Fell in 1653, 4 and 5, were published by her 
children after her death.* They were found thus endorsed : 
— " These epistles were written at the first appearance of 
Truth amongst us when we were young in it. The light of 
Christ being our first principle, our minds being turned to 
it, we saw perfectly there was no safety nor preservation 
of us out of sin and transgression but as we abode in the 
light. And so, as we waited in it and dwelt in it, we came 
to witness a washing and cleansing by the blood of Jesus. 
And we came to discern betwixt the precious and the vile, 
betwixt the holy and the unclean, and betwixt the chaff 
and the wheat ; and between those that served God 
and those that served Him not. Then we became very 
zealous for God and for His truth, and for the preservation 
of His people in the Truth. Our hearts became tender and 
we had pity for all people's souls that remained in darkness. 
And we were moved to write often to Friends ; our 
testimony was very much to the light of Christ in the 
conscience. For Christ saith ' I am the light.' He also 



* The volume was edited by Thomas Lower, her son-in-law, and 
George Whitehead. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 103 

said, 'I am the way, the truth, and the life, and there are 
none who come to the Father but by me.' So here are a 
few epistles preserved [that were written in that early 
time], but many more are wanting, the copies being lost 
with many other papers and letters that might have been 
serviceable. But if the Lord gives a blessing [these that 
remain] maybe serviceable hereafter as they were to many 
heretofore. The truth is one and the same always. Though 
ages and generations pass away, one generation goes and 
another comes; yet the Word, and the Power, and the 
Spirit of the living God endures for ever and ever and 
never changes.* M. F." 

That endorsement is unmistakeable in its recognition of 
the Gospel plan of salvation by Christ, and sanctification 
through the operation of the Holy Spirit. But Margaret 
Fell did not always so clearly express her religious views. 
The critical reader of the present day would probably 
often find fault with ambiguity and repetition, if he set 
himself to criticise some of her compositions. 

Along with the epistles was the copy of an earnest and 
spirited letter to her husband's and her own friend, Colonel 
West, who appears to have been in London, attending 
his parliamentary duties, when it was written. It is thus 
superscribed ; — 

To Colonel West, when he was a Member of Parliament in 
Oliver's days, and when George Fox was prisoner 
at Carlisle in 1653. 

"Dear Friend, — My dear and tender love in the Lord 
Jesus presents itself unto thee, hoping in the Lord that 
thou abidest in the Truth, and in the love of it, and of 
those that are sufferers for it. I am sure thou needest not 
be ashamed of it, for it shall stand when all the deceitful 
devices of man shall fall. Though all the powers of the 

* From the collection of M. F.'s writings, published in 1710. 



104 THE FELLS OE SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

earth combine together against the Lord and His anointed, 
yet will He be glorified in His saints and in the destruction 
of nis enemies, as the}" shall find when it will be too late. 

" I sent thee a paper from my dear brother George, 
likewise the warrant by which the persecutors of the Truth 
did apprehend him, and I expected to have heard from 
thee before this concerning him. The judges at the assizes 
would not suffer him to come before them, but did revile 
and scoff him behind his back ; and gave encouragement 
to the justices to exercise their cruelty upon him. He was 
then in the jailer's house during the assize week, and no 
friends were allowed to see him ; both Colonel Benson and 
Justice Pearson were denied, though drunkdards and lewd 
persons were suffered to go in. 

" The next day after the judges went forth, command was 
given the jailer that he should be put in the common jail 
among thieves and murderers, in the most odious place that 
ever man was put ; and there he is now. 

" Lawson, who is sheriff of the county, is his greatest 
enenrv, and one of them that were the cause of his commit- 
ment, though he had not then [legal] power to act, being 
sheriff. But all such unjust actions are suffered and all 
such tyrants upheld by those in authority. Never was the 
like horrible blaspheming of God, and dissembling with 
Him, as in these days, by those that profess in words [to 
reverence] God, and in all their actions fight against Him 
and His Truth. Oh ! let them blush and be ashamed who 
falsely pretend that the}^ stand for liberty of conscience 
and propagation of the Gospel, yet keep these men in 
authority who lie in wait for an opportunity to betra}^ them, 
whom the Lord sends forth to preach the everlasting 
Gospel ! Some they stone, some they beat and shamefully 
cast into prison. Most of the jails in the North of England 
hath some Friends of Truth in them, as York, Carlisle, 
Appleby and Lancaster. 

" Now be ye judges j^ourselves, ye pretenders to liberty 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 105 

of conscience.* Consider what liberty you yourselves give 
to tender consciences. Oh ! how dare j> ou profess refor- 
mation, when cruelty and tyranny rules in the land you 
govern ; look back and see if ever there was the like, under 
all the kings and bishops since Queen Mary's days, who 
burned the martyrs. 

'" Let the persecuting powers of the earth stand out as 
long as they can, the woe and the curse is upon them root 
and branch. They cannot escape the judgment of God ; 
for He is the same God that ever He was, and He will not 
give His glory to another. 

" Dear heart, I cannot but let thee know the cruelty of 
these tyrants. Oh these acts of theirs and their pretences 
are odious to all who have but common honesty ! That the 
State should pretend love to the Truth, and yet suffer such 
things to be in force, that all such bloody persecutors may 
have their wills ! 

u They intend banishment to George, or else to take away 
his life, if it be in their power at the sessions ; for the 
judges have left him to them to proceed against him accord- 
ing to the Act. Lawson was in hopes to have gotten his 
life taken away at the assizes, and gave out that he would 
be tried for his life. Though they had nothing at all against 
him but what they had got false witnesses to swear, and 
there was nothing they sware that is within the Act. Still 
they thirst for his blood ; and their wills will be their laws 
if the Lord do not prevent it by instruments that He will 
raise up. 

" Do what the Lord makes way for thee in ; for it is no 
man's strength or power that we look for, but that which 
comes from the Lord alone, who is the same to us that He 

* This prol ably alludes to the loud remonstrance of Cromwell and 
his government against the cruelty and intolerance exercised by the 
Papacy towards the Waldenses — pleading in their case for liberty of 
conscience, and even raising a subscription for theni in England, 
whilst their own jails were crowded with the persecuted Quakers. 



106 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

was to Daniel in the lions' den and to the three children in 
the fier} r furnace. The same power [which delivered them] 
will yet deliver us out of the hands of all bloody perse- 
cutors. 

" Nowthat T have let thee know how things are, I am dis- 
charged ; and let my Heavenly Father work as He will, 
and by whom He will. As thou act for the Truth thou 
shalt be preserved by the Lord of Truth ; but if thou 
neglect any opportunity that is afforded thee, the Lord will 
require it at thy hands. 

" The}-, the persecutors, shall find that the Lord of the 
vineyard is coming to look for fruits, and will reward every 
man according to his deeds. For the Keeper of Israel 
neither slumbers nor sleeps, but takes notice of all the 
actions, words, thoughts, and intentions of His enemies. 
Let them act what they can — their compass is known — 
their time is but short. 

* * * * " So fare thee well. The Lord God of heaven 
and earth direct and keep thee in His fear, and in the love 
of His truth. So shalt thou escape the plagues that will 
come upon His enemies. 

" Margaret Fell." 

What Christian courage, what true appreciation of those 
in power that admirable letter displays! Of the measures 
Colonel West took on its receipt, to draw official attention 
to the cruelty and injustice of which the letter complains, 
we are not informed. But from the journal of Fox we learn 
that Colonel Benson and Justice Pearson, when refused 
permission to see the prisoner, wrote a joint letter to the 
magistrates, priests, and people of Carlisle, concerning the 
injustice of his imprisonment and the cruelty with which 
he was treated by the jailer. To ascertain if their repre- 
sentations respecting the state of the prisoner and the prison 
were correct, the Governor consented to go with Pearson 
and examine the apartment where George Fox was confined. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 10T 

" The Governor and Anthoiry Pearson," says Fox, " came 
down into the dungeon to see the place where I was kept, 
and understand what usage I had. When they came down 
to me, they found the place so bad and the savour so ill 
that they cried shame on the magistrates for suffering the 
jailer to do such 'things. They called the jailers into the 
dungeon, and they required them to find sureties for their 
good behaviour. The under-jailer, who had been such a 
cruel fellow, they put into the dungeon with me amongst the 
moss-troopers." He also says, " Whilst I laj' in the dungeon 
at Carlisle, the report that was raised at the time of the 
assizes that I should be put to death was gone out far and 
near, insomuch that the Parliament then sitting (which I 
think was called the little Parliament) hearing that a 3-oung 
man at Carlisle was to die for religion, caused a letter to 
be sent down to the sheriff and magistrates concerning 
me." That letter most probably resulted from Colonel 
West's exertions, though unknown to George Fox. How- 
ever that may be, its influence, joined to the remonstrance 
and protest of the two magistrates, Benson and Pearson, 
produced a sensation among the other magistrates, and 
the clergy, that caused the Quaker prisoners to be liberated. 
Without any further pretence of a trial the prison doors 
were opened for them to walk out. 

That liberation, George Fox thus briefly notices : " The 
Lord's power came over the magistrates and they were 
made to set me at liberty." " After I was set at liberty I 
went to Thomas Bewley's, and there came a Baptist 
teacher to oppose me, and he was convinced." " This 
Baptist had the inheritance of an impropriation of tithes, 
and he went home and gave it up freely." 

Francis Howgill and his friends, to whom Margaret 
Fell's letter of sj^mpathy and encouragement already 
quoted was addressed, were soon after released from prison. 
The former proceeded, to London with Edward Burrough 



108 THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

on the Lord's mission, whilst the ideas she had expressed 
were still sounding in his ear, and which are beautifully 
versified in the stanzas — 

" Sow, though the rock repel thee, 

In its cold and sterile prde, 
Some cleft there may be riven, 

"Where the little seed may hide. 
Fear not, for some will flourish, 

And though the tares abound, 
Like the willows by the waters 

Will the scattered gra!n be found. 

"Work while the daylight lasteth, 

Ere the shades of night come on, 
Ere the Lord of the vineyard cometh, 

And the labourer's work is done ; 
Watch not the clouds above thee ; 

Let the wild winds round thee sweep ; 
God may the seed-time give thee, 

But another hand may reap." 

From London he thus wrote to his friend at Swarth- 
moor: — 

" We two are constrained to stay in this city, but we are 
not alone, for the power of our Father is with us ; and it is 
daily made manifest through weakness, even to the stopping 
of the mouths of lions, and to the confounding of the 
serpent's wisdom — eternal praises to Him for evermore!" 
" We receive letters every week from the prisoners at 
Chester. The work of the Lord goes on gloriously in 
that county. There is [in that place] a precious seed ; and 
Anthony Pearson writes to us of the like in the county of 
Bishoprick (Durham). It is our reward to hear that the 
Lord is raising that up in power which was sown in 
weakness." 

A few months later, 21st of 3rd month, 1655, he writes 
thus : — 



and their friends. 109 

Francis Howgill to Margaret Fell. 

"My dearly beloved Sister, — I know that it is thy joy 
to learn the prosperity of the work of the Lord ; that He 
may be exalted that hath chosen ns to bear witness unto 
His glorious name, and to publish His love abroad, that all 
may come to know the way of eternal life. Truly the arm 
of the Lord is with us in wisdom, in strength, in power, in 
utterance, in boldness ; — so that I cannot but sa} r : 1 the 
infinite riches of His love and mercy which are inexpressible. 
Dear heart, praise the Lord on our behalf; and let all that 
know Him rejoice with us. 

" Pray for us, fur our work is doubled, — our care is 
doubled, — but our strength is renewed. The work is 
great, and but few here are fitted for it. The last First-day 
there were ten meetings in the city and [nearly the whole] 
lieth on George Fox and us two. There are here a precious 
people — they grow in wisdom and life, and many are added. 
All the priests and the gathered congregations preach 
against us — are in great rage, print lies against us, and 
thus incense people much. Edward Burrough and I have 
usually two public disputes with the heads of them weekly, 
and they lose their members so fast they know not what 
to do." 

Francis Howgill again writes to Margaret Fell from 
London, under date 5th month, 1655 : — " Thy letters I 
have received ; those to Oliver Cromwell are both delivered 
into his hand. He is full of subtlety and deceit ; will speak 
fair, but hardens his heart, and acts secretly underneath. 
Most of our army is scattered, broken, and cast into 
prison." Then after mentioning those preachers who with 
himself were not } r et imprisoned, he adds : — " The work of 
the Lord goes on notwithstanding. We have yet five or 
six meetings of Friends every First-day, beside two great 
places for a thr ediing -floor ; and we have set up a meeting 
a little beyond Whitehall, near Westminster. Manv are 



110 THE FELLS OF SWARTI1M00R HALL, 

coming in, many inquiring, and many are convinced daily. 
Glory and honour f^r ever be to the Lord." 

Soon after the date of the above letter Francis Howgill 
and Edward Burrough left London, James Nayler and other 
preachers having there joined George Fox. They pro- 
ceeded to Swarthmoor Hall, and after a short rest in that 
hospitable mansion, they went on their mission to Ireland. 
From Dublin and Waterford and Cork, they both wrote to 
Margaret Fell, informing her of their proceedings. 

After six or eight months' earnest labour, preaching the 
Gospel among the inhabitants of the Irish metropolis and 
in most of the southern cities, they were expelled the 
nation by the peremptory command of Henry Cromwell, 
the Lord-Deputjr. 

For the six succeeding years Francis Howgill sustained 
his mission faithfully in preaching throughout England, 
sometimes at home in Westmoreland, sometimes abroad, 
sometimes accompanied by persecution, and sometimes 
amid peace and joy. 

Af:er one of those occasions when persecution,- and 
imprisonment had befallen him and his friend Thomas 
Robertson, Margaret Fell wrote to them thus : — 

Margaret Fell to F. H. and T. R. 

" Dear Brethren * * * * My soul reacheth unto you, I 
cannot forget you, ye are fresh before me in the record of 
life, and the work and service that ye are in my soul longs 
after — that is the publishing the glad tidings to the poor, 
and liberty to the captive, that the prisoner might go free. 
my dearly beloved brethren, my soul longs to behold the 
glorious liberty of the children of God. The infinite foun- 
tain of free love is set open to you ; that ye maj r freely 
call every one that thirsteth, Come, buy wine and milk 
without money. And }'ou are made partakers of this free 
Gospel of Jesus, are made ministers of the Word, of His 
power and reconciliation. Ye are debtors both to the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. Ill 

Greek and to the Barbarian, both to the wise and to the 
unwise, — so preach the Gospel freely that ye be free from 
the blood of all men. 

" We have heard of jouv imprisonment and of your 

releasing. The God of infinite power preserve you from 

the hands of unreasonable men. Let us hear from you, 

how it; is with you, and how the work of the Lord prospers. 

" Your dear sister, 

"M. Fell." 

In 1663 Francis Howgill was arrested in the town of 
Kendal and brought before the bench of magistrates, who 
promptly tendered him the oaths of allegiance and supre- 
macy, well knowing that he would not swear. Upon his 
refusal they committed him to Appleby jail. Being put 
on his trial, sentence of praemunire was passed against him, 
to which he replied — " A hard sentence for my obedience 
to the commands of Christ! The Lord forgive you all." 

In prison he felt as he had felt when, many years before, 
writing to his friend at Swarthmoor, he said of himself 
and Edward Burrough : " We are not alone, for our Father 
is with us." That presence and its sustaining power was 
felt through all and to the very last. He knew what it was 
to have joy and peace for his portion, even within the walls 
of a prison where he was to be confined for life. One of 
his epistles is thus dated : " From Appleby jail the place of 
my rest, where my days and hours are pleasant unto me." 
We are told that his meekness and Christian resignation 
gained him the esteem of the jailer and his family, as well 
as of the inhabitants of Appleby, many of whom were 
wont to refer their differences to his arbitration. 

After five years of imprisonment the end came, when the 
angel of death opened the prison doors and the ransomed 
soul ascended to its home on high. He died the 20th of 
First Month, 1669, in the fiftieth year of his age. 



112 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 



CHAPTER IX. 

1C55— 1657. 

Edward Burrough — His Letters to M. F. — Banishment prom 
Ireland — Controversy with John Bunyan — His Death — 
John Btjnyan's Release from Bedford Jail, through the 
instrumentality op the quakers — john stubbs — hls let- 
TER to M. F. — M. F.'s Address to the Jews — Manasseth- 
Ben-Israel. 

Edward Burrough, the devoted friend of Francis How- 
gill, and for years his close companion in Gospel labour, 
was a younger man by several years. He was horn at 
Underbarrow, in Westmoreland, about the year 1635. 
Hence he was only nineteen years of age when he joined 
Francis Howgill in the mission to London in 1651. But 
the latter says of his friend, that he possessed the spirit of 
a man when he was but a child, and that as he advanced 
towards manhood his knowledge and understanding still 
kept far in advance of his 3'ears. " In natural disposition 
he -was bold, manly, and fervent, dexterous in accomplishing 
that which he undertook ; and what his hand found to do 
he did it with all his might." When he was about seventeen 
years of age, he heard for the first time George Fox preach 
at Underbarrow. His heart was touched by the Divine 
power that accompanied the preacher, and becoming con- 
vinced of the soundness of Fox's doctrine, much to the 
dissappointment of his relatives, he joined the Friends of 
Truth, and soon after came forward among them as a min- 
ister. 

We are told " He was a diligent labourer, a breaker-up 
of the rough untilied ground; — one who pressed through 
all opposition, not minding the briars and thorns that beset 
his path. Though often buffeted and in peril from un- 
reasonable men, sufferings he did not regard, only the good 
of souls. He seldom allowed himself many hours' repose, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 113 

tut made the Lord's work liis sole business, and scarcely- 
spent one week to himself in tea years." When, with 
Francis Howgill, he started for Ireland in 1G55, he was 
only twenty years of age. After about three weeks' united 
labour in Dublin, the former went southward, as indicated 
by the following letter, which, though not cleaidy dated, 
was written from Dublin, 1654 : — 

Edward Burrough to Margaret Fell. 

" My dearly beloved Sister,— My soul is refreshed by the 
remembrance of thee — I salute thee in the fountain of life, 
at which I do drink with thee, and am daily nourished. But 
it is with heaviness of spirit I write unto thee, yea, with my 
eyes full of tears ; for I am separated outwardly from my 
dearly beloved brother F. H., who was my right-hand man 
in the war before whom man}'" Philistines have fallen. And 
truly when I consider what the Lord hath done by us my 
heart is broken : many glorious days we enjoyed, and many 
pleasant hours we had together, in dividing the spoil of the 
enemy ; for our hand was always strong in battle, and our 
ensign was lifted up above our enemies, even thousands 
have fallen on our right hand and on our left. But accord- 
ing to the will of God we are now separated ; he unto the 
west of this nation 100 or six score miles from Dublin, 
where I must stay a season, for aught I do see, — and truly 
under great suffering, for few here are that hunger after 
God, blindness and deafness hath possessed all. 

" I was glad that F. H. had so good an opportunity of 
passing on his journey ; he went with a cornet and some 
others who were very loving to us, and came to meetings 
while they stayed in the city. 

" To all the family, and to the dear flock of God there- 
away, give our salutation. We have not had any letters 
from you in the north, nor from London since we came ; we 
have written to London, but have had no return ; here is 
a post weekly, if the wind lie not wholly contrary. 



114 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Let thy prayers be to the everlasting Father for us, 
that His dread may go along with us, over all. Our parting 
was a heavy burden upon us both, especially in this strange 
nation ; but we saw it to be of God. As thou canst have 
opportunity write to us, it will make me glad ; one face of 
a friend would rejoice my sou]. Gladly would I hear of 
G. F. and J. N., and of the rest in the south, where I know 
the work of the Lord is glorious ; though some do rejoice, 
yet truly at present we are men of sorrows, — But resting 
in the will of our Heavenly Father, 

" I am thy dear brother, 

"E. B." 

" Here is a Friend come from England, since I wrote this, 
from Oxford [Thomas Loe] who saith he was moved to 
come, and I believe it ; I am refreshed by him." 

Edward Burrough to Margaret Fell. 

" Waterford, 5th 11th Mo., 1655. 

" Sister beloved, whom I do remember with kindness, 
and of whom I am not forgotten ; — with my heart and soul 
I do salute thee. — We are joint heirs of the incorruptible 
inheritance in the Son, who in us liveth and worketh of 
His own will ; by whom we are what we are. Though far 
distant from one another, yet my love is hereby increased 
unto all the Children of Light. 

" Only two letters have I received from thee since I came 
out of England. I am now at Waterford City, where is a 
pretty people gathering into the fold. Two months was I 
in Dublin city, in the ministry of Christ, labouring in season 
and out of season ; my sufferings were not little in that 
place and I had none to bear the yoke with me in my 
[difficulties], — and j-et I was not alone, but the Father was 
with me in power, and wisdom, and boldness. It is a bad 
place [Dublin,] a very refuge for the wicked. I passed J 
from it to this place, for our service lies only in great towns 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 115 

and cities : generally the country is without inhabitants, 
except bands of murderers and robbei'S waiting for their 
prey, but from whom we are yet preseiwed.* 

" I had great opposition in this cit} r ; five times opposed 
by the rulers, who are Baptists, and once was I tried for a 
vagabond, and once examined by them for a Jesuit; but 
to this day am I preserved, though walking as a bird 
among fowlers' snares, and as a dove which hath no mate — 
none unto whom I can open my cause, but the Lord my 
God only. 

u About sixteen days was I at Kilkenny city, twenty 
miles from this, where I gave a warning to the inhabitants, 
and was twice among the Baptists ; one time bj r command 
from the Governor of the city was I haled out of their 
assembly rudely, in the manner of their generation ; yet a 
few there received our report. 

" I have not long since heard from my chiefest companion 
[F. H.] whose love salutes thee with mine. It is now four 
months since we parted at Dublin, and what I have said of 
sufferings and trials he can seal. We have been companions 
in tribulation and in patience, but are now in joy and 
rejoicing, hoping to see the end of our labour and the 
travail of our souls ; that we may bring in the [sheep] 
with us unto the fold , and return to our camp with victory 
from our Lord. Though this nation be as the heath in the 
desert, yet there is a seed and a remnant for whose sake 
we are sent. He is about Cork, and Kinsale, and Banclon, 
sixty or eighty miles from this place ; he had written for 
me to come that way if I had freedom, for there was service. 
But yet I have not had freedom to leave these parts, for 
here is a harvest and but few labourers ; a war is begun in 
this nation, and but very few on our part to manage it. 

" Of all our work and labour which is doubled upon us 



* The consequences of a desolating war, not then raging, but from 
the effects of which the country was still suffering. 



116 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR IIALL, 

since we parted, have we a reward unto our bosoms. Our 
joy will be more enlarged to hear that the war prospers in 
[England]. Write and let us know, that we may partake 
with you in your rejoicing; and assuredly 30U may praise 
the living God on our behalf. 

" Here is a great want of books that might be serviceable 
in spreading forth the Truth. Now I leave it to thee, my 
dear sister, whatever wa} r thou seest best, that some books 
be sent to this land ; — this much was upon me to mind thee 
in general, with im' dear love. I desire my salutation to 
all the Children of Light, &c. 

" Edward Buurough." 

Daring a period whilst Henry Cromwell was Lord-Deputy 
in Ireland, the Baptists were especialfy favoured by him, 
and consequently were numerous. Many, from the hope 
of place and favour, made profession as Baptists, who 
really cared only for court patronage. 

Edward Burrough did not scruple to speak out strongly 
against some of their practices and also some of their 
doctrines. As manj^ of the officers in the army seemed to 
be attracted to the Friends' meetings, the Lord-Deputy 
became uneasy and anno}^ed, — for thus, in writing to Lon- 
don to Secretary Thurlow, he says — " The Quakers begin 
to grow in some reputation in the county of Cork ; their 
meetings being frequently attended by Colonel Phayre, 
Major Wallis, and most of the chief officers thereabouts. 
Some of our soldiers have been perverted by them, and 
amongst the rest his Highness's cornet to his own troop is 
a professed Quaker : Major Hadden, the Governor of Kin- | 
sale, is also I fear going that way."* — February 16th, \ 
1655-56. 

Secretary Thurlow writes in reply : — 

' ; I thank your lordship for yours of the 6th instant ; | 
* Thurlow 's State Papers, vol. iv., p. 508. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 117 

that was the first that mentioned anything of the Quakers 
in Ireland. They are a people who are much grown 
here in numbers." — February 12th, 1655-6. 

" His Highness's cornet " that Henry Cromwell speaks 
of, is, doubtless, the person whom Edward Burrough men- 
tions as having attended their meetings in Dublin, and 
afterwards with whom Francis Howgill went southward. 
The same also who is spoken of in Rutty 's History of 
Friends in Ireland as " Edward Cook, a man of great 
parts, a cornet of horse in Oliver Cromwell's own troop." 
" He embraced the Truth with his whole heart, and retained 
it; was given up to serve the Lord, and lived and walked 
under the cross of Christ Jesus, ir. great self-denial to the 
world, its glory and greatness, to his d}ing day. He laid 
down his head in peace with God and sweet unity with 
true-hearted Friends." 

The ruling powers, both military and clerical, it seems, 
became, at length, thoroughly alarmed by the interest 
awakened in Ireland by these Quaker preachings. For 
thus Major Redman, M. P. for Carlow, writes from Kil- 
kenny to the Lord-Deputy, with reference to carrying out 
orders against the Friends : — 

These to his Excellency, the Lord General Cromwell, at 
Court-house, Dublin, humbly presented. 

Haste ! Haste ! Haste ! 
" May it please your Excellency, — Captain Franks and 
myself were at Waterford, according to your order, when 
there met there about one hundred Quakers and more, 
besides the parties of them that were going thither, being 
ten or twelve in a company. I ordered our parties of horse 
and foot to turn them back again, which otherwise would 
I judge have increased their number to about 200. There 
was not any disturbance at all, only they met all in a great 
barn, where Justice Cook, Colonel Leigh, and several 
others, spent at least two hours endeavouring to convince 



118 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

them of their follies, but to little purpose. Cornet Cook 
was very zealous amongst them to defend their opinions. 
I advised Colonel Leigh not to permit any more such 
considerable numbers, either of them or any of their 
adherents, to meet within that city."* 

Francis Howgill, in a letter to Margaret Fell, evidently 
written from Cork, but without date, tells her:—" A com- 
pany of priests have gone up and procured a warrant or an 
order from Dublin, and sent it to the governor at Kinsale, 
and another to Colonel Pha} r re, Governor of Cork, and they 
sent down divers questions to ask me. The order was 
general to take up all Quakers, and send them to Dublin, 
which is 120 (Irish) miles off. I was at Kinsale, at one of 
the governors' houses, when it came, and the Governor of 
Cork sent a letter privately [for me] to come thither. I 
am in that city at present ; but none, I think, will meddle 
unto whom the commission was sent. Major Stoding is 
turned out of commission of the peace upon this account, 
and it is like they will do so with Colonel Phayre ; but he 
is noble, and saith more is done [already] by the Quakers 
than all the priests in the county have done for a hundred 
years." 

We do not hear of either Howgill or Burrough being 
imprisoned on that occasion (though many Friends in Dub- 
lin were) ; but both of these resolute unflinching English 
preachers were banished by order of the Lord-Deputy from 
the kingdom of Ireland. 

In 1657 Edward Burrough came out in earnest antag- 
onism against the celebrated Join Bunyan's warnings and 
assertions about the doctrines of the Quakers. Burrough 
wrote a rejoinder, entitled, " Truth the strongest of all," in 
vindication of the Christian principles held by the Friends. 
At that time he was still a very young man, only twentj'- 
two ; and Bunyan, his antagonist, though eight years his 

* From the Lansdown MSS., 823— No. 369. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 119 

senior, "was j-ounger than he in Christian experience. But 
the accusations, and also the replies of both, indicate what 
in this da} r ive should consider a lamentable want of Chris- 
tian charity and true appreciation of each other. Banyan's 
theological views and peculiar experience caused him to 
misapprehend the doctrines of the Quakers, and Burrough 
regarded his reiterations as wilful untruth. Both are 
positive and severe against each other, and against all 
religious teaching and Scriptural constructions that do not 
suit their own preconceived ideas, or fit into their indi- 
vidual experience. I have not Bunyan's two treatises to 
consult, to each of which Burrough replied, but it may be 
safely assumed from the quotations and the views the 
latter combats, that Bunj^an grossly misrepresented the 
principles of the Quakers on vital points.. He misrepre- 
sented, doubtless, because he misunderstood them, and he 
would not retract when assured by his opponent that his 
statements were false, because his mind still adhered to the 
first impression that had taken hold of it. However, there 
was one, but it seems only one of his first assertions, which 
was not reiterated, and that was respecting the Quakers 
and the Ranters being alike. Burrough declared there 
was no more union betwixt them than betwixt light and 
darkness, good and evil, and defied Bnnyan to prove his 
assertion. Of this we may be certain that all Edward 
Burrough said (and he said it in terms that Christians of 
our day would not use in discussing religious questions) — 
all he said failed to eradicate Bunyan's false views of 
Quaker doctrines, for they were repeated in a work written 
after the death of Burrough. It is evident that both of 
them adopted and continued to entertain false conceptions, 
not only of each other's principles, but of their integrit}'. 
Thanks to the Lord for the experience of two centuries 
of growing religious freedom of thought and of discussion, 
which has taught the Christian world that men's con- 
sciences and judgments arc not to be thus carried by storm. 



120 THE FELLS OJF SWARTIIM00R HALL, 

That experience has taught the various sects to practice 
more Christian courtesy, and has shown them somewhat 
of the Divine beauty of charity, and the absolute necessity 
of Christ's disciples cultivating it. Blessed be the all-seeing 
eye of our God which penetrates every heart and sees 
clearly all conditions. His Divine hand errs not in minis- 
tering to us the discipline, the comfort, and the strength 
that each and all require for the work assigned them. To 
Him we can alwaj-s look with a certainty that we are indeed 
understood. But that unerring power of spiritual vision 
is a Divine capacity — one that belongs not to man, and 
therefore we must, if we feel aright, have charity for each 
other's misapprehensions, even when these misapprehen- 
sions lead to unjust conceptions of our own principles. 

During the persecution of the Quakers which succeeded 
the rising of the Fifth monarchy men, Edward Burrough 
was seized whilst in the act of preaching among his Friends 
in one of their London meeting-houses. He was committed 
to Newgate, along with upwards of 120 other Friends. In 
the overcrowded sta'.e of the jail, deprived of sufficient 
air, and almost every common necessary which human 
existence requires, many of them were carried off by sick- 
ness. Among these was Edward Burrough. He died in 
his twenty-eighth year, near the close of 1662. Strong in 
faith, hope, and joy in the Lord, his earthly career termi- 
nated in a prison, from whence the emancipated soul 
ascended to realms of eternal bliss. 

In the year 1660, John Bunyan himself was imprisoned 
in Bedford Jail for nonconformity to the re-established 
Episcopacy. He remained a prisoner twelve years, till, 
in 1672, when his name, with those of a few other Dissen- 
ters, was, by the active interposition of the Friends who 
were managing the case, inserted in the royal patent, 
granted for the liberation of the Quakers ; and thus the 
celebrated author of the " Pilgrim's Progress " owed his 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 121 

liberation to the instrumentality of those whose principles, 
however unconsciously, he has flagrantly traduced. 

A wide-spread idea exists respecting Dr. Barlow, Bishop 
of Lincoln, having been the person who procured Bunyan's 
deliverance from prison. His life, published by the Relig- 
ious Tract Society, and some other biographies of Bunyan, 
have given currency to this statement. Probably the 
Bishop favored the release of the prisoner when the matter 
was laid before the King, though he was not the main 
instrument in procuring it. The facts, as above narrated, 
are proved by the patent deed granted by Charles II. to 
the Quakers, in which John Bunj-an's name was inserted, 
and which deed is still preserved in Devonshire House, 
London, with the other old records of the Society of 
Friends. 

George Whitehead and Ellis Hooks were the two Friends 
stationed in the metropolis who acted as a central commit- 
tee in getting up the document ; and, having inserted in it 
all the names of the imprisoned Friends furnished by their 
brethren throughout the nation, when the work approached 
completion, George Whitehead advised that a few other 
Dissenters, who also were imprisoned for matters of con- 
science, should petition the King for leave to have their 
names inserted along with the Quakers. They or their 
friends did so, and by royal permission they were accord- 
ingly included, by Ellis Hooks, and their liberty was thus 
secured. 

Two letters to the mistress of Swarthmoor which relate 
to that royal patent, the originals of which are also preserved 
among the Friends' records at Devonshire House, I insert 
here, though far in advance of the elates of other letters in 
this chapter. 

Ellis Hooks to M. F. 

London 13th 6th Mo., 1672. 

" Dear M. F. — * * * * I received thy letter, dated the 
first of this month, wherewith I was much refreshed. The 



122 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

weakness of my body is such that it makes the exercises I 
meet with much more hard [so that] I am often ready to 
fall by reason thereof. 

" George Whitehead and myself have been much employed 
this summer in the business of the prisoners' liberty ; it is 
such a troublesome business to go through as I have not 
met with. It lies now in the Secretary's hands, ready 
signed by the King, and wants only dating. I have 
engrossed it once already, and it contains six of the largest 
skins of parchment I could get. I must engross it once 
more for the Signet Office ; from thence it is to go to the 
Crown Office, or Patent Office, and to be engrossed in 
Chancery hand, when I suppose it will take at least twelve 
skins. If we could once get it passed the Signet and Privy 
Seal, I hope it would soon be done ; in the meantime we 
must attend in patience. 

* * * * * 

" Thy Friend, 

"E. H." 
Ellis Hooks to M. P. 

" London, 1st of 8th Mo. (10th Mo.) 1673. 

" Dear M. F. — * * * * This is chiefly to acquaint thee 
that now our business, which George "Whitehead and my- 
self have taken so much pains and care about this summer, 
is accomplished, and under the Great Seal, two duplicates 
of the same under the Great Seal also. The original contains 
eleven skins of parchment. There are about 500 persons 
contained in it. How we shall dispense it to the several 
counties, as yet we are not fully resolved ; but expect that 
a letter from the King's principal secretary to the respec- 
tive sheriffs signifying the pardon may be effectual to dis- 
charge them. 

***** 

" E. H." 

It was whilst John Bunyan was a prisoner in Bedford 
Jail that he wrote " Grace abounding to the Chief of Sin- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 123 

ners," a little book which, I doubt not, has clone much good, 
and trust will yet be read to the edification and comfort of 
generations to come. But surely that portion which so 
much misrepresents the principles of the Society of Friends 
should not go forth as it has heretofore gone — without 
contradiction, note, or comment ! Thousands of copies are 
now in circulation, millions of readers it must have had for 
the last 200 years, and most of these, doubtless, read with 
full belief what its author says of the "abominable things 
fomented by the Quakers." Justice to that society demands 
that they who hereafter republish the work in question, 
examine into the statements made therein respecting Quaker 
principles, and either omit them altogether, or contradict 
what is untrue. 

The next of Margaret Fell's friends to be introduced, 
whose correspondence tends to illustrate the history of the 
period, is John Stubbs. Whilst in the army he had been 
convinced of the truth of the doctrines preached by George 
Fox. Finding his religious convictions and his duties as a 
soldier at variance, he retired from military service in the 
year 1654, when all who remained in the army were obliged 
to take the oath of allegiance to Oliver Cromwell. On that 
occasion John Stubbs, with several others, having declared 
their conviction that Christ's command against swearing- 
included every sort of oath, and therefore they could not 
swear for an}'- consideration, they were suffered to retire. 
George Fox speaks of him thus : — " John Stubbs became a 
good soldier in the Lamb's war. He was a faithful minister 
of Christ Jesus, travelling much in the service of the Lord, 
in Holland, Ireland, Scotland, Italy, Egypt, and America; 
and the Lord's power preserved him out of the hands of 
the Papists ; though many times he was in great clanger of 
the Inquisition." Sewel tells us " John Stubbs was a man 
skilled, not only in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew, but also in 
the Oriental languages." His abilities as a linguist were 
sometimes useful to his Swarthmoor friend, as may be 



124 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

inferred by the following letter to M. F. It is the earliest 
epistle of his that I have met with anywhere. The original, 
in J. S.'s writing, is in the Shackleton Collection : — 

John Stubbs to Margaret Fell. 

London, 4th day of the 7th Mo., 1657. 

11 Dear Margaret, — I may well call thee so upon true 
ground, which is sure and stedfast. 0, how often in my 
distress hath the Lord raised one up to minister in season 
to me, both by word and by writing ! Not only so, but 
many times in heavenly visions thou hast been made a 
messenger to me to proclaim glad tidings to my weary 
soul, as I have heretofore specified unto thee ; but since I 
heard [or parted] from thee last I have enjoyed this un- 
speakably. [A few words follow which are not legible.] 
Blessed be thou of the Lord for this evei lasting message 
to me, and for the glad tidings which thou hast brought 
unto me from the Lord. Truly He hath made thee — even 
thee, as His angel and messenger these two times to pub- 
lish peace unto me. * * * * 

Thy letter of the 17th of the 6th mo. I received upon the 
6th day of tth month in Gerrard Robert's house. It was 
welcome unto me for thy love and tenderness. I am 
satisfied it is as thou speaks, of Samuel's going — and thy 
exhortations thereon are to be observed. It is the same 
what the light hath for some time past cleared, but he will 
not let it be known unto me that he sees any clearness of 
going with me, but tells me he knows not but something 
may be upon him to the Jews of Amsterdam in Holland. 
But he thinks he cannot conveniently go till about that 
time thej r call Michaelmas. He says he believes there is 
service for him in England. I dare not but think well of 
him for the Lord's sake * * * [not clear] * * * 
"but this I know, I am to wait to submit to the will of the 
Most Blessed for ever. 1 1 have made but little speech of 
it to any, though it hath been propounded * * * [ob- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 125 

literated] * * * Things are in measure so that if he 
should not go I hope the Truth shall not suffer. I once 
■was free to tell him in much fear that if he did not go he 
would suffer loss ; and he tells me that word sticks close 
to him. His wife is weak in body, and no likelihood of 
recovering. 

" Thy book, ' The Second Call to the Seed of Israel ' was 
awhile ago finished. As he hath opportunity he goes on 
with the Hebrew which at first is difficult ; also tlry epistle, 
it is finished. I have them both in Latin. I intend to 
have them printed in one volume in Holland ; to wit, the 
Hebrew copy, and the other two in Latin. 

" My service (in England) is likely to be in Buckingham- 
shire for the time I stay. I desire thee to let me know 
whether thou wilt have the books printed and bound up in 
one volume or severally. I can send to William Caton 
according to thy direction, but I put off till I could hear 
from them about all. 

" I dare not stop my wife's coming to me, neither pro- 
mote her in it, but humbly leave it to the Lord and to her 
own measure [of spiritual perception], and to thee, and 
to the Children of the Light, and to whom it may concern, 
to judge. 

" Farewell, 

" John Stubbs." 

Thus directed outside, — " To the hands of Margaret Fell, 
at Swarthmoor, Lancashire, this deliver. Leave this at 
George Ta3 r lor's shop in Kendal, to get it speedily sent as 
above said. Kendal in Westmoreland." 

Three of the largest of Margaret FelFs publications came 
out in 1G56 — 1. Two of them are to the Jews. The first 
was entitled, "The Call of the Jews out of Babylon." It is 
addressed to Manasseth-Ben-Israel, and through him to the 
Jewish nation. The second is " A Loving Salutation to 
the Seed of Abraham among the Jews, wherever they are 



126 THE FELLS OF SWABTHMOOR HALL, 

scattered up and down on the Face of the Earth." The 
third was, " A Touchstone for all Professions. A Trial by 
the Scriptures who are the False Prophets which are in 
the World." It appears to he of these three works that 
John Stubbs speaks in his letter, as having had the one 
translated into Hebrew, and the other two into Latin. 
Manasseth-Ben-Israel, to whom the first was addressed, 
was a learned Jewish rabbi, a native of Lisbon, from 
whence his father and his family had been banished by the 
Inquisition. At the time of which we speak, Manasseth 
had the direction of the sj-nagogue in Amsterdam, and was 
universally regarded as the most distinguished man of the 
Jewish people in that age. 

In K56 he visited England, was well received by Crom- 
well, whom he wished to influence in favour of the banished 
Jews. However, the Protector did nothing to promote his 
object. His English visit, and his sensible arguments in 
favour of his people, probably suggested to Margaret Fell 
to dedicate to him her address to the Jews. He was a 
merchant as well as a rabbi ; wrote much, and kept up a 
printing press for his own and his people's use. He main- 
tained that he was directly descended from David, king of 
Israel, and it was said that he expected the Messiah through 
his family. Though full of zeal for the maintenance of the 
Jewish worship, he was well acquainted with some of the 
most distinguished Christian writers of his time, whom he 
met on friendly terms. 

Such was the man through whom Margaret Fell desired 
to send abroad over continental Europe, her address to the 
Jews. We have no knowledge as to its progress or success. 



AND THEIR FIUENDS. 127 

CHAPTER X. 

1655—1660. 

James Nayler as a Preacher — Letters to Margaret Fell 
respecting hlm — hls imprisonment — condemnation — res- 
TORATION — Death. 

James Natler was the first imprisoned Friend who 
claimed Margaret Fell's benevolent care. We may remem- 
ber her allusion to his imprisonment in her letter to her 
husband in 1652. His subsequent melancholy declension 
is a humiliating record ; nevertheless it contains a warning 
that should not be lost. Although the extravagant spirit 
of the times imparted an intensit}-, and appearance of 
fanaticism, to some of the transactions, not likely to be 
repeated in a more sober age, yet the same sort of idolatrous 
admiration then manifested towards a popular minister is 
not an uncommon human weakness now as then, though it 
may be differently displayed. 

Highly regarded for their works.' sake — kindty and 
tenderly considered for in every way, the minister of the 
Gospel assuredly should be ; but should not that considera- 
tion prevent all extravagant exhibition of personal applause ? 
When will the ardent imaginative mind understand what 
stumbling-blocks it often casts in the way of eloquent 
preachers ? When will it cease- to tempt the messenger of 
God, by devotion to the servant, which should be rendered 
to the Divine Master ? 

James Nayler's father was a Yorkshire farmer who had 
given his son a good plain education, which enabled him 
both to speak and write well. But the eloquence and deep 
feeling which pervaded his religious discourses, were un- 
doubtedly natural gifts. Like many others of the early 
Friends, he had served in the parliamentary army before 
his acquaintance with the Quakers. For eight or nine years 



128 THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

he followed the life of a soldier — first under Lord Fairfax, 
and afterwards, as quarter-master, under Major-General 
Lambert, till disabled in Scotland in 1649, when he returned 
home. In 1651 he first heard George Fox preach in Wake- 
field, and very soon afterwards joining Friends, he became 
himself a preacher amongst them. The step that seems so 
wide, from a military life to the peaceful principles of 
Quakerism, was no unusual one at the time of which we 
speak. Nayler, being one who had taken it, could well 
depict both what the soldier felt and did, as contrasted with 
the spirit and the conduct prescribed by Christ to His 
followers. Possessing good argumentative powers, he was 
both close and clear in debate ; never shrinking on that 
point, or any other, from controversial encounters in defense 
of Quaker doctrines. But he was especially remarkable for 
the fervid and pathetic appeals with which, from the very 
depth of his heart, he set forth the love and mercy of God 
towards all mankind. The richness and fluency of his 
language, highly figurative and often poetic, caused his 
preaching to be so attractive, that thousands flocked to hear 
him, as if charmed by his natural touching oratory. When 
he joined Edward Burrough and Francis Howgill in 
London, early in 1655, many connected with the Court 
came — some secretly, some openly— to the meetings held by 
him and the other Friends. 

Alexander Parker, writing to Margaret Fell from London, 
in 5th mo. 1655, speaks of him thus : — " James Nayler, on 
Fourth-day, had a great dispute with some of the separated 
congregations ; and it being public, a great meeting there 
was. It was in one of their own meeting-houses, and truly 
it was much to the advancement of truth, for though they 
were [word obliterated], yet they were much confounded. 
James is very serviceable here, and his fame begins to 
spread in the city." Two months later, in another letter to 
M. Fell, Parker mentions him again : — " The truth in this 
city spreads and flourisheth ; many large meetings we have, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 129 

and great ones of the world come to them, and are much 
tendered. James is fitted for this great place, and a great 
love is begotten in many towards him." In another two 
months, James Nayler himself writes thus to his friend at 
Swarthmoor : — 

James Nayler to Margaret Fell. 

" My sister, dearly loved in the Lord, — Yesterday I had 
a meeting at the house of Lady Darcy. Many were there 
from the Court — some called lords, as it is said ; divers 
ladies, divers officers of the arnry, some of the principal 
priests in the city ; but how many I know not, for they got 
behind a ceiling, and came not out till I was gone. Though 
some Baptists asked a question or two after I had done 
(tending to plead for sin), and were silenced, yet not one 
priest would speak a word or stand up for their kingdom. 
I was moved to call on any that had aught to oppose, to 
speak it out to the face ; but none would answer. Two or 
three of Henry Yane's brethren were there all the while ; 
he himself kept behind, and only came out after all was 
ended. He is very loving with Friends, but drunk with 
imagination. There is a band of them sunk therein, and 
do harm to some amongst them who else would be very 
tender. Divers of them are brought to tears when they 
hear the truth. 

" Peace be with you all. 

"J.N." 

In the course of the following year, a part}' of extrava- 
gant admirers gathered around Najder — many of whom 
had not previously been connected with the Society of 
Friends. 

Although the enthusiastic admiration with which this 
popular preacher was regarded, was chieflj^ manifested by 
the female part of his audience, it was not by any means 
confined to them. Some men of education and wealth in 
the metropolis, but of excitable religious temperament 



130 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

rather than sound judgment, united with the enthusiastic 
ladies, and this gave them more confidence in making 
public demonstrations. In a meeting for deliberation no 
the affairs of the Society, when Nayler was not present, 
one of them proposed that he be recognized as leader or 
chief of the Friends' metropolitan mission. But instead 
of effecting their object, they were treated as disorderly 
and intrusive. She who came forward with the proposal 
was reminded that on such occasions as this the Apostle 
had declared he would not suffer a woman to speak in the 
Church. On being thus rebuked, the women went to 
James Nayler, and painted in strong colours the repulse 
they had received, when attempting to claim for him what 
they regarded as his rightful position. At first he felt 
troubled at their interference, and said so : but then arose 
from them a wail of distress. They sang most pathetically, 
"We looked for judgment, but behold oppression; for 
righteousness, but, lo ! a cry." Thus for a long time they 
gave utterance to their feelings, chanting Scriptural texts 
with sorrowful intonations — sometimes loud and piercing, 
again low and plaintive, till at length it aroused Nayler's 
keenest sj-mpatky, and then he began to soothe and com- 
fort the mourners. From that moment, he afterwards 
said, he let in feelings of displeasure against his true 
friends, and lost all clear perception of the dangers that 
were involved in the wild proceedings of these women. 
Gerard Croese saj-s he knew some of them personally, and 
describes them as most enthusiastic and imaginative. 

Some time after the above occurrence, he left London, 
and proceeded to Exeter, where he was taken prisoner, 
with several other Friends, at a meeting held in that town, 
and lodged in jail. On hearing of this, hither came the 
metropolitan enthusiasts to visit him in prison. One of 
them, kneeling before him, kissed his feet, and treated him 
as though he were a superhuman being. There is no 
reason to believe this fanatical proceeding was agreeable 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 131 

to Nayler, but instead of at once and utterly preventing 
it, and repressing and rebuking the impiety, he seems to 
have excused it as homage to the Spirit of Christ, who 
through him had spoken to their spiritual state. 

George Fox also visited the prisoners at Exeter, but his 
interview with the idolized preacher was one of expostu- 
lation and sorrow, in view of the gloss that was disturbing 
his spiritual vision, and clouding altogether his better 
judgment. Nayler listened to his friend, but maintained 
that there was nothiug absolutely wrong in the whole 
affair, however unpleasant it might appear ; that it was to 
Christ the homage was paid, and to Him was and should 
be all the glory ; in comparison with which the apprehension 
of what man could do or would think, should be as nothing. 
George Fox knelt in prayer to the Lord to remove the 
delusion that had got in amongst them, but James K^der 
would not kneel with him or join his pra3 T er. With feelings 
of distress and painful foreboding, the veteran reformer, 
when he could not prevail, stood up to depart. James 
Nayler also arose and attempted to kiss him — as was the 
custom in that day with men as well as women in taking 
leave of intimate friends — but Fox solemnly and sorrow- 
fully drew back. No tokens of cordial fellowship could he 
bestow or receive from one whose proceedings were calcu- 
lated to bring reproach on " the Truth," and who continued 
to defend such proceedings. 

Soon after this the prisoners were released from Exeter 
Jail, and then George Fox wrote to James Nayler, appar- 
ently wishing that he and his followers would keep them- 
selves away from Friends and their meetings. The letter 
commences thus : — ■ 

" James, — Thou must bear thy own burden and thy com- 
pany's with thee, whose iniquity doth increase, and by thee 
is not cried against. Thou hast satisfied the world, yea 
their desires, which they looked for. "What is that which 



132 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

doth fulfil the world's prophecy and desires? Consider 
and search if it he innocency. Thou and thy disciples and 
the -world, are joined against the Truth, as is manifest 
through your wilfulness and stubbornness ; and this is the 
word of the Lord God to thee." 

He received another but a very different epistle from an 
opposite quarter. In Bristol there were some who went 
heart in hand with the hero-worship of the London fanatics; 
and uow two of these men and their wives wrote, inviting 
him to come and take up his abode with them. These 
individuals were John and Ann Stranger, and Thomas and 
Martha Simonson. In their letter they called him " The 
fairest among ten thousand," " The Prophet of the Most 
High," " The Prince of Peace in whom was the hope of 
Israel." Although Nayler, as he afterwards declared, and 
evidently with truth, disliked such an introduction of these 
sacred epithets, }et still to his own mind apologizing for 
them as before, and regarding these people, however over- 
enthusiastic they might be, as his friends, he thrust the 
letter into his pocket with that he had from George Foi, 
and, accepting the invitation, started for Bristol, accom- 
panied by some of the London party. 

On hearing of his approach, there was great excitement 
among his Bristol partisans. Some remained to receive 
him at the house to which he was invited, and some went 
forth to meet him outside the city ; among the latter were 
the two matrons who had sent him the invitation. One of 
them taking his horse by the bridle, led it slowly forward, 
a man marching in front of the horse with uncovered head ; 
three other women preceded, who spread their shawls, and 
scarfs, and handkerchiefs on the way ; thus moving forward 
the company sung, " Holy, holy, holy, is the Lord God of 
Hosts ; blessed is he that cometh in the name of the Lord : 
hosannah in the highest." A great concourse followed, as 
these deluded men and women thus entered the ancient city 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 133 

of Bristol. Meantime, as Gerard Croese informs us, " Ju- 
lian Witgorley, one of Nayler's friends, kept a-chiding and 
a-blaming of the rest for their ignorance and folly in woi'- 
shipping of the man." However, in their wild ecstasies, 
they heeded liim not. But soon after arriving at the place 
of destination, an order from the ma}-or, and a guard to 
take Xayler prisoner, arrived also. Again he was haled to 
prison ; and they who had signed the invitation were also 
made prisoners ; the two letters, that from George Fox and 
that from his Bristol admirers, were both found in his 
pocket. 

An account of the whole proceeding was sent to London 
and laid before the Parliament then sitting ; that National 
Assembly forthwith ordered all the prisoners to be brought 
to the metropolis. They had now got a real case of fanat- 
icism, if not of blasphemy, to urge against those they 
regarded as Quakers, and they gladly availed themselves 
of the opportunity of punishing it to the utmost. But the 
letter from George Fox which Xayler had in his pocket, 
should have convinced them that Fox and his friends highly 
disapproved of the fanatical proceedings. 

We have called the Parliament, which was so bent on 
punishing Xayler a National Assembly ; but, correctly 
speaking, it was a Cromwellian assembly. About two 
months before James Xayler was summoned to London, it 
had been selected in an extraordinary manner by the Pro- 
tector. Macintosh says Cromwell resorted to an exercise 
of power so arbitrary and sweeping as to render the sum- 
moning of a Parliament a mockery. When the members 
had heard his speech in the Painted Chamber, and pro- 
ceeded to take possession of their seats in the House on 
the nth of September, 1656, they found the door guarded 
by soldiers, who admitted none but those provided with a 
certificate from Cromwell's Council, signed by the clerk of 
the Commonwealth. This ticket had been withheld from 
about 100 members, and they were accordingly excluded. 



134 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Ifc was the Cromwellian Parliament, thus chosen from 
the national one, that tried James Nayler. Alexander 
Parker having returned to his home, and Francis Howgill 
and Edward Burrough, Margaret Fell's previous London 
correspondents, being on a mission in Ireland, another ex- 
parliamentary officer, who in obedience to conscience had 
left a military life and become a valiant soldier under the 
Prince of Peace, now informed the mistress of Swarthmoor 
concerning James Nayler. This was Richard Hubberthorn, 
who writes thus under date, London, 25th 9th month, 
1656:— 

" Dear Sister, * * * * J. N. is here in London. He 
and the women are kept prisoners, at an inn, and have been 
twice called before a committee of Parliament men, and 
examined whether he would own that (he had said) James 
Nayler was Christ, but he kept them out of all occasions 
against him, saying he denied James Nayler to be Christ, 
but that (he had said) Christ was in him. There hath 
several times some of the Parliament men come to the 
place where they are kept prisoners, questioning him about 
such things as were acted by the women. He puts them 
off without giving them a full answer, and leaves them un- 
satisfied. 

" Upon Sixth-day last I was with James. That power of 
darkness in the women rules over him, as I wrote to thee 
at the first. Many people daily visit them, both of the 
world and Friends, and they wonder at the proceedings 
which are acted among them ; they often kneel before him, 
etc. James speaks to Friends, justif3'ing their actings as 
being in innocencjf. I was moved to speak unto him and 
them, but he w r as not willing to hear me open the truth to 
the people. My heart was made to pity his condition, but 
all the counsel of the brethren to him is contemned in his 
present state. Some that are unstable think there is great 
spiritual power among them ; though as a cloud it darkens 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 135 

at present, at the end of the days of limitation it will fall 
to the earth again, and the sun will shine over it ; then the 
children will receive power of the Son to reign over all 
deceit. This I have written to let thee understand some- 
thing of his condition as it is now." 

The Parliamentary committee at length made their 
report, on the 5th day of December, to which the House 
agreed next day. On the 16th, this business, which had 
been treated both forenoons and afternoons, was proposed 
for the twelfth time. There were many in the house who 
earnestly protested against the prevailing spirit of severity, 
so that it was long before thej r could agree on a sentence. 
Of those who took part in the debates, Lord Lambert, 
under whom Nayler had served in the Parliamentary army, 
seems to have spoken with most good sense and feeling. 
He said, as reported in Burton's Diary," It is a matter of 
sadness to many men's hearts, and sadness to mine also, 
especially in regard to his relation some time to me. He 
was two 3'ears my quarter-master, and a very useful person. 
"We parted with him with great regret. He was a man of 
very unblameable life and conversation ; a member of a 
very sweet society of an Independent Church. How he 
comes (by pride or otherwise) to be puffed up to this 
opinion I cannot determine. But this may be a warning to 
us all, to work out our salvation with fear and trembling." 

Several petitions from London citizens, unconnected 
with the Friends, were presented in behalf of the accused, 
but it was agreed not to read any of them till after the 
sentence was pronounced. On seeing this, an honoured 
and wealthy London merchant, named Robert Rich, asked 
to be heard in Nayler's defense, so far as to prove that he 
had not either committed or sanctioned blasphemy ; this 
failing, he wrote a letter showing what blasphemy is, and 
what it is not, and thereby testing the proceedings of the 
accused. Rich stood in the lobby of the Parliament house, 



136 THE FELT.S OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

and handed to each member as he entered a copy of his 
address ; but unavailing were all these effoits, for on the 
following day, the 17th, after a long debate, a majority of 
the bouse came to the following resolution : — 

" That James Nayler be set on the pillory, with his head 
in the pillory, in the Pallace-3'ard, Westminster, during the 
space o£ two hours on Thursday next, and be whipped by 
the hangman through the streets from Westminster to the 
Old Exchange, London ; that likewise he be set on the 
pillory, Avith his head in the pillory for the space of two 
hours, between the hours of eleven and one on Saturday 
next, wearing a paper containing an inscription of his 
crimes, and that at the Old Exchange his tongue be bored 
through with a hot iron, and that he be there also stigma- 
tized in the forehead with the letter B ; that he be after- 
wards sent to Bristol and conve}*ed into and through 
the said cit} r on horseback with his face backward, and 
there also publicly whipt the next market-day after he goes 
thither ; and from thence he be .committed to prison in 
Bridewell, London, and there restrained from the society 
of all people, there to labour hard till he shall be released 
by Parliament, during that time to be debarred the use of 
pen, ink and paper, and shall have no relief but what he 
earnes by his daily labour." 

The barbarity and bitterness of the above sentence 
awakened a thrill of horror among great numbers of the 
London citizens, and the calm fortitude with which the 
victim bore the infliction it prescribed, naturally tended to 
strengthen public sj^mpathy. But after standing in the 
pillory for two hours, and receiving as he passed from 
street to street upwards of 300 lashes from a bitter in- 
human executioner, he was in such a mangled, exhausted 
state, that it was deemed death would prevent the rest of 
the sentence being carried out, if there were not a longer 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 137 

cessation than from the 18th to the 20th. A short respite 
was therefore granted. There were various petitions got 
up throughout London for remission of the rest of the 
sentence, and poured in to the authorities. One of these, 
which was presented at the har of the Parliament House 
by a deputation of one hundred citizens, contained the 

following words : — 

• 
" Tour moderation and clemency in respiting the punish- 
ment of J. Nayler in consideration of his illness of body, 
hath refreshed the hearts of many thousands in these cities 
(London and Westminster) who are altogether unconcerned 
in his practice ; wherefore we most humbly beg your pardon 
that are constrained to appear before you in such a suit 
(not daring to do otherwise) that you would remit the 
remaining part of your sentence against the said J. Nayler, 
leaving him to the Lord, and to such Gospel remedies as 
He hath sanctified, and we are persuaded you will find 
such a course of love and forbearance more effectual to 
reclaim, and will leave a seal of your love and tenderness 
upon our spirits. 

" And we shall pray, &c, &c." 

The Protector was also petitioned both by Friends and 
others, and though at first he had declined interfering in 
the case, yet now when the full carrying out of the punish- 
ment awarded by Parliament had been suspended, and 
when he perceived by the petitions that so much public 
sympathy was awakened, he wrote the following letter, 
still preserved in a volume of MSS. in the British Mu- 
seum * : — 

To our right trusty and well-beloved Sir Thomas Wid- 
dington, Kt., Speaker of the Parliament. 

u 0. P. Right trusty and well-beloved, we greet you 
"well. 

* See Barclay's "Letters of Eaily Friends." p. 97. 



138 THE FELLS OF SWARTHM00R HALL, 

" Having taken notice of a judgment lately given by 
yourselves against one James Nayler, although we detest 
and abhor the giving or occasioning the least countenance 
to persons of such opinions and practices, or who are under 
the guilt of such crimes, as are cominonby imputed to the 
said person ; j-et we being entrusted with the present 
Government on behalf of the people of these nations, and 
not knowing how far such proceedings (wholly without us) 
may extend in the consequences of it, do desire that the 
House will let us know the grounds and reasons whereupon 
they have proceeded. 

" Given at Whitehall, the 25th of December, 1656." 

But the House did not find it an easy task to state on 
paper reasons that would seem to justify such a sentence. 
They sent five ministers to question the prisoner, in order 
to elicit from him anything that would help them out of 
their difficulty. But all in vain. How then were they to 
answer the Protector's letter? It was proposed that a 
committee be appointed to draw up a reply, but no reply 
was attempted ; again and again it was referred to, but 
nothing done. At length, as Burton states, " it was jostled 
out ; " he adds, " I hear it will never be mentioned again ; 
if it be I dread the consequence." 

In the meantime those who had succeeded in getting the 
horrible sentence passed on Nayler, were still determined, 
come what would, that not a jot of it should be remitted. 
And accordingly under date 2?th of December, we find in 
Burton's Diary the following : — " This day B. and I went 
to see "Nayler's tongue bored through and see him marked 
in the forehead. He put out his tongue very willingly, but 
shrinked a little when the hot iron came upon his forehead. 
He was pale when he came out of the pillory, but high 
coloured after the tongue boring. He was bound with a 
cord by both arms to the pillory. Rich the merchant sat 
near at Nayler's feet all the time. He cried, stroked his 



AND TnEIR FRIENDS. 139 

hair and face, kissed Xayler's hand, and strove to suck the 
fire out of his forehead." The multitude, under a singular 
impulse of feeling, stood still and quiet with uncovered 
heads "whilst the barbarous operation was performed on 
the unflinching victim. The residue of the punishment, 
to be inflicted in the streets of Bristol, was also carried 
out, and then Nayler, according to the sentence, was 
returned to Bridewell, London, where he was to remain 
till released by Parliamentary order. 

It was evident that Cromwell was not comfortable on 
review of the course pursued towards James Nayler. After 
letting the case stand about a year and a half — the Parlia- 
ment doing nothing meantime — he would probably have 
taken measures to secure his release from prison, had not 
his own last illness interposed. However, the Protector 
sent a gentleman named William Malyn to see the prisoner 
and speak with him. This interview took place at a time 
when Najder was just recovering from an attack of illness. 
It is plain he either had not confidence in the friendly 
intentions of Malyn, or more probably had no confidence 
in Cromwell, and therefore had resolved to make no appeal 
to him. From a letter of that gentleman to the Protector, 
dated August, 1658, published in Nichol's state papers, the 
following has been extracted : — 

"W. Malyn to the Protector. 

" I went this morning to Bridewell to see James Xayler. 
I found him in his bed and sitting up with his head on a 
pillow. I sat by him a good while, and told him upon what 
account I came to see how he was, and whether he desired 
anything to be done to him or for him. He would not 
speak a word though often pressed thereto by myself and 
those that stood by. I also withdrew for some time, and 
came again to him, and asked him if he were free to have 
any discourse with me, or if he had anything to desire that 
I should acquaint your Highness with ; but by all that I 



140 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

could do, I could not get a word from him. It being near 
sermon time, I left him, and went to Paul's. After 
sermon I spake with my Lord Parke, my Lord Titchbourne 
and my Lord Barkstead being by, and gave my Lord 
Parke an account of what I had done, and my Lord Parke 
told me that he did intend to-morrow to wait on your 
Highness, to give your Highness a particular account of 
James Najder. 

" Truly, my Lord, I look upon him to be under a 
resolved sulienness, and I doubt in the height of pride. I 
hope I should not go about to dissuade your Highness 
from a work of tenderness and mercy, which is pleasing to 
God, which we have reasons and objects enough for, without 
doing that which may offend God through want of zeal for 
His glory and honour, against such horrible impieties. 
Truly, my Lord, in this case, I conceive there is more want 
of watchfulness, that we do not offend on that head, I mean 
through want of zeal. 

" William Malyn " 

It is quite certain that Malyn entirely mistook James 
Nayler's state of mind at the time in question. Long 
before that, he had been favoured to see in a clear light his 
error in not repressing at once the adulation of his 
deluded followers. He had in the early period maintained 
that the reverence and adoration they had exhibited was 
not towards him as a man, but for Christ whose servant he 
was. But that darkening cloud of specious reasoning had 
passed away. In great prostration of soul he had ac- 
knowledged that he had not seen things aright, that his 
spiritual vision had been obscured. William Malyn was, 
therefore, mistaken in imputing to him, at that interview, 
sulienness and pride, for in view of the past, he was 
humbled to the very utmost. But it is probable Nayler 
had had so much experience of persons who came to talk 
to him, with the view of establishing fancies of their own 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 141 

concerning him, that he had resolved to he silent when he 
had no confidence in the inquirer. It is certain that before 
that time, he had not only felt, but expressed the deepest 
contrition. The prohibition of pen and ink having been 
withdrawn, to some of his London friends he wrote a letter, 
from which the following is taken : — ■ 

" Dear Brethren : — My heart is broken this day for the 
offense that I have occasioned to God's truth and people, 
and especially to you who in dear love followed me, in 
faithfulness to God seeking me, whilst I rejected you; 
being bound, I could not come forth till God's hand brought 
me. I beseech } r ou forgive wherein I evilly requitted 
your love in that day. God knows my sorrow for it since 
I see it, that ever I should offend that of God in an}^, or 
reject His counsel. 

" Unless the Lord himself keep you from me, I beseech 
you let nothing else hinder your coming to me, that I might 
have your help in the Lord. In the mercies of Christ 
Jesus, this I beg of you as if it was your own case ; and I 
entreat you speak to whoever else I have most offended, 
and by the power of God, and in the Spirit of Christ 
Jesus, I am willing to confess the offense. Nothing do I 
intend to cover ; God is witness herein." 

Neither sullenness nor pride could have occupied 'the 
heart which dictated that letter. 

The following letter, written about three months prior 
to Malyn's visit, also testifies to the same thing. 

Alexander Parker to Margaret Fell. 

London, 15th fill Mo., 1658. 

" My dearly beloved Sister, — I have been with J. N. in 
the prison three times since I came to this city, and true 
love and life are springing up in him. He is made willing 
to lie under all. and would do anything that might in the 



142 THE FELLS OP SWART H MOOR HALL, 

wisdom of God be seen convenient, for taking off all occa- 
sion, as much as in him lies, either by public recantation 
(which I do not judge serviceable) for exalting the Truth, 
or any other way. He is made willing to bear all, and hath 
passed through true judgment. 

" James hath written a few words with much subjection, 
desiring to be reconciled, and I know that George Fox is 
dearer to him than ever. My dear sister, as thou hast been 
tender and of large compassion to the sufferer, I beseech 
thee make intercession for him, that in the spirit of meek- 
ness as a brother he may be restored again. I am plain 
unto thee, having no other thing in my heart but the glory 
and advancement of the truth in this thing, and peace and 
unity amongst brethren. I know it lieth [heavy] on G. F. 
But in patience I shall wait to see the truth advanced over 
all, for I have great hopes that all things will jet be well. 

" Thy dear brother in the fellowship of the Gospel, 

"Alexr. Parker." 

Cromwell died soon after he had received William Malyn's 
report, and after his death the Parliament released James 
Nayler from prison. 

The following letter to Margaret Fell appears to have 
been written not long subsequent to his liberation, but it 
contains no date except an endorsement in George Fox's 
handwriting of 1658 : — 

James Nayler to Margaret Fell. 

" Dearly beloved Sister, — Thou art often in my remem- 
brance, and my heart's desire is to see thee when God wills; 
in whose counsel and life I desire to walk, to His praise 
alone, who hath thus far redeemed me out of deep adver- 
sity ; and doth still work with me and for me (as I abide in 
His patience and obedience), making my way through many 
oppositions and trials. In His will alone I desire to rest, 
who in the needful time appeared — praises to Him forever I 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 143 

" I suppose thou ma}* have heard of my going to see our 
beloved George Fox, at Ridding, which in tenderness of 
love I did as soon as I was got out of prison, hearing he was 
not well. But I was not permitted to come where he was ; 
which my adversary rejoiced at, that thereby he might add 
sorrow to affliction. Yet my spirit was quieted, for in that 
simplicity in which I went, so in that I returned; and He 
gave me His peace therein as though I had had my desire. 
Blessed be the Lord God of mercy for all this, who still 
becomes my peace, and whose presence is with me in what 
He moves me to. 

" My dear love to thee and to thy family, and all faithful 
friends with thee. I am refreshed when I hear from thee. 

" James Nayler." 

Nothing need be fuller or more satisfactory than the 
various documents issued by James Nayler after his liber- 
ation, in condemning his former conduct. Having publicly 
associated with fanatics, and suffered himself to be made 
the centre of an idolatrous pageant, he wrote and published 
his own condemnation after the Lord had restored to him 
his spiritual vision.* In a large meeting of Friends in 
Bristol he came personally forward to express the deep 
heartfelt compunction with which he looked back on that 
night of infatuation. On the same occasion he gave utter- 
ance to the overflowing gratitude of his soul to the Most 
High, for having dispelled the cloud, and shown him his 
errors. So feelingly did he dwell on his own transgression, 
and the mercy of the Lord in restoring his spiritual sight, 
that one who was present, writing of it, says there were few 
dry eyes in that large audience, and some who till then 
could not be satisfied, were touched to the heart, and again 
cordially recognized him as a Christian brother. 

Speaking of the past, he said on another occasion, " Having 

* See Sewel's History for tlioce documents in full. 



144 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

in a measure lost my own guide, and darkness being come 
upon me, I gave up myself wholly to be led by others whose 
work was then to divide me from the ' Children of Light.' 
And after I was led out from them, the Lord God sent 
divers of His servants after me for my return ; all which 
was rejected. The provocation of that time of temptation 
was exceeding great against the pure love of God, yet He 
left me not. He who hath saved my soul from death thus 
far, and lifted my feet up out of the pit, even to Him be 
immortal glory evermore. And let every troubled soul 
trust in Him, for His mercy endureth for ever. It is in 
my heart to praise Thee, Oh my God, — when I was cast out 
as a wandering bird, when I was assaulted with strong 
temptations, then Thy presence in secret did preserve me." 

Again James Nayler came forward as a powerful preacher 
of truth and righteousness ; again he was listened to with 
edification, admiration, and thrilling interest, by crowds 
composed of every class. But his humbled, contrited 
spirit never again lost its true balance. 

In the 5th mo., 16G0, Richard Hubberthorn, from London, 
wrote thus to George Fox, then imprisoned in Lancaster 
castle : — 

Richard Hubberthorn to George Fox. 

" Dear Brother, — Concerning what is done here M. F. 
hath written to thee. , Our meetings continue very full and 
quiet, and increase daily ; there is great service in them. 
I showed J. Nayler thy letter wherein thou mentions having 
written concerning his going to Bishoprick (Durham). He 
did not receive that letter. He doth remember his dear 
love to^thee, and doth desire to hear from thee by the next 
post. At present here is great service for him, and several 
great ones have a desire to hear him at Woodcock's. He 
hath been there some Firstdays, and it is upon him to go 
there yet more. We have drawn some away from that 



AND TIIEIR FRIENDS. 145 

meeting, it was so full ; many that are great in the outward 
resort thither. 

'• There is also a meeting at Pall-Mail, at Elizabeth 
Prat's, that many come to, where M. Fell hath been two 
Firstdays. 

" Pv. HUBBERTHORN." 

Of Margaret Fell's London visit, at the time above 
alluded to, there will be occasion to speak in a future 
chapter. Now let ns follow out that chequered life we 
have hitherto been tracing, which was then drawing near 
its close. 

It will be observed that this letter of Richard Hubber- 
thorn was written nearly two years after James Nayler 
was liberated from prison. During that time, it is clear 
from remarks in other letters as well as in that one, that 
his ministry was cordially received by George Fox and 
other eminent Friends ; also, that it again attracted the 
attention of the great, who nocked to hear him wherever 
he was expected to be. It was probably under a sense of 
failing strength, that about two months after the date of 
the above letter, he started from London for Wakefield, 
his own home. The worn and lacerated system at length 
totally gave way. He took ill on the road, and was brought 
in an enfeebled state to the house of a friend at Holm, in 
Huntingdonshire, where, in the course of a few days, he 
died, in the 44th year of his age. 

Sewel says, "About two hours before his death he spoke, 
in the presence of several witnesses, these words : ' There 
is a spirit which I feel, that delights to do no evil, nor to 
revenge any wrong, but delights to indure all things, in 
hope to enjoy its own in the end ; its hope is to outlive all 
wrath and contention, and to weary out all exaltation and 
cruelty, or whatever is of a nature contrary to itself. If it 
be betra} T ed, it bears it, for its ground and spring is the 
mercies and forgiveness of God : its crown is meekness, 



146 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR IIALL, 

its life is everlasting love unfeigned. It takes its kingdom 
with entreaty, not with contention, and keeps it by low- 
liness of mind. In God alone it can rejoice, though none 
else regard it or own its life.' ' I found it when alone, 
being forsaken, and I have fellowship therein with them 
who lived in dens and desolate places of the earth, who 
through death obtained this resurrection, and eternal holy 
life.' " 

Such were the dying words of that humbled, sanctified 
Christian, who, we have assured reason to believe, through 
much tribulation, entered the kingdom of heaven. 



CHAPTER XI. 

1658. 

The Protector — Margaret Fell's Letters to him — Judge 
Fell's Death — His Character — His "Will — Letters op 
Condolence — Margaret Fell to her Son. 

In a communication quoted in a previous chapter, from 
Francis Howgill,he tells Margaret Fell that her two letters 
to Oliver Cromwell had both been delivered into his hand. 
There are no full copies of any of her letters to the Pro- 
tector, but from what is said of them, and from the extracts 
that are given in the volume published by her children 
after her decease, we can ascertain what they consisted of. 
they were plain, earnest appeals, written as in the sight of 
God, under a deep sense of Cromwell's unfulfilled respon- 
sibilities in regard to establishing liberty of conscience in 
England. She besought him solemnly to consider what 
sort of characters they were to whom he extended protec- 
tion. She asked him to reflect, Was he in the sight of the 
Most High the protector of the faithful servants of the 
Lord, who were warning the world against sin and against 
all ungodliness ? Or was he the protector of their perse- 
cutors? She entreated him "to beware of hearkening to 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 147 

evil councillors who would prey on the people for their own 
ends, lest he brought guilt, plagues, and woes upon him- 
self." Her first two letters to Cromwell were in 1655. 

In 1656, she wrote to him a third time, and alluded to 
his victories, his preservation, his power, and his super- 
lative position. She reminded him of his " vows and 
promises for liberty of conscience," and that the Lord 
required from him the fulfilment of these vows by the 
liberation of the unjustly imprisoned, and by the protection 
of those whose endeavour was to serve both God and man. 
She said fair words were bestowed on them, but that was 
all, for still the " Children of the Light " continued to be 
persecuted — driven from their places of worship and cast 
into prison, by a magistracy that acted under the beck of a 
vindictive clergy. 

In 1657 she wrote again; gave him notice of the con- 
tinued oppression of the innocent, told him of their treat- 
ment, and the numbers that were in prison. She cautioned 
him, in the fear of the Lord, as desiring the good of his 
soul and his eternal peace, seriously to consider that God 
is just, and will not be mocked. She reminded him that 
the wickedness of the oppressor will come to an end, and 
that the just shall be established. 

" Lastly," says Thomas Lower, " she prayed the God of 
Life to enlighten his understanding that he might under- 
stand his true place and calling, and in truth and justice 
discharge it to the health and comfort of his own soul ; 
otherwise, if he neglected the same, woe and misery would 
be his end." But she pleaded and she warned in vain. 
No opening was there of the prison doors to let the 
oppressed go free ; no protection extended to the Friends 
of Truth ; no restriction laid on their persecutors. Not- 
withstanding, it is probable that this man of power felt in his 
old Puritan heart many a twinge of conscience, as he read 
these honest Christian letters. But at the same time he 
saw how dangerous it would be to his own popularity to 



148 THE FELLS OP SWARTHM00R HALL, 

interfere ; in short, how impossible it was to serve both 
God and Mammon. And so he left the Friends to them- 
selves, to struggle against the injustice of men in power as 
best they could, or to die prematurely and quietly in the 
jails where so many were incarcerated. 

There was a time, we may be assured, when Oliver 
Cromwell in heart and conscience desired to serve the 
Lord ; a time long past, when neither ambition nor the 
love of power held absolute rule in his soul. But a change 
came over him. That change was produced by yielding 
to surrounding temptations. The love of governing others 
increased with the exercise of power. He was not inher- 
ently cruel, nor originally either a tyrant or a hypocrite. 
But the indulgence of strong self-will, the consciousness of 
ability to govern, and the determination to exercise that 
ability, at length took such full possession of the whole 
man, that the just perceptions, and the religious feelings, 
and the honesty of his earlier days gave way. Death 
visited him at an unexpected crisis — in an unwelcome hour 
the pale messenger called on the prostrate Protector. 
What memories, what repentance, crowded into those hours 
when from the brink of eternity he looked back on the 
receding past, God only knows. 

Oliver Cromwell died on the 3rd of September, 1658. 
On the 8th of the following month another remarkable 
man closed his eyes in death. This was Thomas Fell, of 
Swarthmoor Hall, who was a true protector of the op- 
pressed, a just judge, and one who in both word and 
deed awarded to all what he claimed for himself — liberty 
of conscience. 

The death of Judge Fell spread a cloud of sorrow through- 
out Furness, and also amid other circles in the nation 
where truly wise and just men were understood and appre- 
ciated. Writing of that bereavement, long after, his widow 
saj-s, " "We lived together twentj^-six years, in which time 
we had nine children. He was a tender, loving husband to 



AND TIIE1R FRIENDS. 149 

me, a tender father to his children, and one that sought 
after God in the best way that was made known to him. 
He was much esteemed in his country, and valued and 
honored in his day, by all sorts of people, for his justice, 
wisdom, moderation, and mercy. Being a terror to evil- 
doers, and an encourager of such as did well, his many and 
great services made his death much lamented. He lived 
about six years after I was convinced, in which time it 
pleased the Lord to visit him with sickness, wherein he 
became more than usually loving and kind to Friends. He 
was a merciful man to God's people. I was well assured, 
and so were many other Friends, that the Lord in mercy 
received him to Himself. He was about sixty years of 
age ; lie left one son and seven daughters, all unpreferred ; 
but left a good and competent estate for them." He was 
buried by torch-light under the family pew in Llverstone 
Church. 

We can point to no more perfect exemplification of that 
Christian toleration, so beautifully inculcated in the four- 
teenth chapter of the Apostle Paul's Epistle to the Romans, 
than was manifested both in private and public in the con- 
duct of Fell of Swarthmoor. . It was conspicuous in all his 
proceedings as a husband, a father, amagistrate, and a judge, 
in an age peculiarly marked by intolerance and religious 
animosity. His toleration was in no degree the result of 
religious indifference, but of a clear perception of the in- 
herent right of every sound mind to follow its own con- 
scientious convictions, when these convictions do not 
interfere with the rights of other individuals. He therefore 
left his wife to act up to the dictates of her own conscience 
when she became convinced of Quaker tenets, and of the 
Quaker mode of testifying against the selfishness and false- 
hood of the world. But it is evident Margaret Fell did not 
regard her husband as having been himself convinced that 
all the changes which Friends considered themselves called 
on to adopt in manners, &c.; were necessary to the attain- 



150 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

ment of that end. And though he declined attending the 
ministry of William Lampitt the Ulverstone incumbent, 
whose unchristian conduct had been so manifest, he never 
absolutely separated himself from the then Established 
Church. There seems to have been some who thought his 
not having fully joined the Friends arose from a want of 
entire faithfulness to his own convictions. However, we 
have evidence that this was not correct. His wife expressly 
says, " he sought after God in the best way that was made 
known to him," — and who could understand this better 
than she did ? Yet more — the arrangements and bequests 
of his last will, written when the prospect of death was 
before him, and also his desire to be interred under the 
family pew in the church of Ulverstone, all indicate that, 
whilst he tolerated and would not wound the peculiar 
scruples of his wife and daughters, he did not externally 
unite with those scruples because his mind did not entertain 
them. 

The will of the Judge speaks unmistakeably of his fore- 
thought for the protection of his wife's comfort and con- 
science. He appointed as his executors two faithful ser- 
vants who had long been in the employment of the family, 
and whose paid service at Swarthmoor and Marsh Grange, 
notwithstanding their new position as their late master's 
executors, was expected to continue. Neither of them 
appear to have been Quakers, as they had no scruple to take 
a judicial oath, which is manifested by the record in the 
Probate Court. In appointing them, no doubt Judge Fell 
had a view to this. He did not himself entertain the 
interpretation of our Lord's meaning about swearing which 
would raise such a scruple, but he well knew how strongly 
his wife and the Friends did ; therefore he made these two 
servants his executors, and over them placed two trustees 
who were Quakers — personal friends of his own and of his 
wife. Tiie trustees were Anthony Pearson and Gervase 
Benson (foimerly Colonel Benson). An attested copy of 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 151 

the Judge's "will has recently been procured from the 
Prerogative Court of Canterbury, by his descendant, John 
Abraham, of Liverpool. It is as follows — the spelling of 
the proper names being left as in the original : — 

" The will of Thomas Fell, of Swarthmore Hall, in the 
parish of "CTverston, in the county of Lancaster, esquire, 
proved 4th December, 1658." 

(Extracted from the Registry of the Prerogative Court of Canterbury. ) 

" The twenty-third day of September, in the year of our 
Lord God one thousand six hundred fifty and eight. Be it 
remembered that the day and year before written Thomas 
Fell, of Swarthmore in the county of Lancaster, esquire, 
being sick and "weak in bod}', but of a perfect memory and 
understanding, blessed be the Lord for the same, doth 
hereby declare and publish his last Will and Testament in 
manner and form folio-wing, That is to say, I do hereby 
appoint nominate and ordain Richard Radeliffe, yeoman, 
and Thomas Coulton, yeoman, both my menial servants, to 
be my Executors, jointly and severally ; nevertheless upon 
this trust and confidence and to the end and purpose 
following ; That is to say, that after my debts legacies and 
funeral expenses be discharged, then they shall dispose and 
give the residue and overplus of all my real and personal 
estate, unto my seven daughters, Margrett, Bridget, 
Issabell, Sarah, Mary, Susana, and Batchell, equally to be 
divided amongst them. To whom I do hereby give and 
bequeath the residue and remainder of all my real and 
personal estate, equalty amongst them, my debts, legacies, 
and funeral expenses being first discharged as aforesaid. 
First, I give and bequeath unto the most aged impotent 
and necessitous persons within the parish of Ulverstone, 
the sum of Ten pounds, to be distributed by my executors, 
taking the information and assistance of the overseers of 
the poor within the said parish. Secondly, I give and 



152 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

bequeath unto the overseers of the said parish for the time 
being, Thirt}^ pounds, with the interest whereof they are 
to put forth one or more yearly of the poorest children 
born within the town of Ulverston, excluding such as are 
bora within the hamlet or elsewhere, save only those that 
are born within the precincts of the said town, and the 
overseers of the poor for the time being shall have the 
consent and allowance of such person and persons as shall 
be heir or owner of my estate at Swarthmore, for the put- 
ting forth of such impotent persons yearly. I likewise 
give and bequeath Thirty pounds, the interest whereof 
yearly is to go towards the maintenance of a school-master, 
to be kept at Ulverston, for the teaching of poor children, 
which sum of Thirty pounds my executors are to pay 
within one year after my decease, to such person or persons 
as will give unto them good security for answering yearly 
the interest thereof, to the end and purpose aforesaid. 
Item, I give and bequeath Five pounds unto the most aged 
impotent and necessitous persons within the parish of 
Dalton, to be distributed by my executors, taking the 
information and assistance of the overseers of the poor 
within the said parish. I likewise give and bequeath unto 
my very honorable and noble friend the Lord Bradshaw, 
Ten pounds to buy a ring therewith, whom I humbly 
beseech to accept thereof, as all the acknowledgment I can 
make, and thankfulness, for his ancient and continued 
favors and kindness undeservedly vouchsafed unto me 
since our first acquaintance. I likewise give and bequeath 
unto Mary Askewe Twenty pounds, for her faithful and 
careful service performed unto my wife and children in all 
their extremities. I further give and bequeath unto Joseph 
Sharpe, my faithful and careful servant at the Marsh 
Gra}-nges, Fifty shillings, and the like sum unto Ann 
Jaykes, who hath approved herself a very honest and care- 
ful servant ever since she came to the Marsh. I do hereby 
likewise give and bequeath unto my dear careful and 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 153 

entirely beloved Margaret Fell, my wife, Fifty pounds, as 
a token and testimony of my dearest affection unto her. 
I likewise give unto James Fell, my servant, Twenty 
shillings, to buy him a ring therewith as a token of my 
love unto him. I likewise give unto Thomas Knype of the 
Manor gentleman, my old true friend, Twenty shillings, to 
buy him a ring therewith, as a small token of the remem- 
brance of my love unto him. As for my executors, who 
are to have no other benefit nor advantage by this my Will 
and Testament than is hereafter expressed ; That is to say, 
I give to each of them Five pounds apiece, for the pains 
and care they are to undergo in the discharge and trust 
hereby imposed on them ; and as concerning the charges 
they or either of them shall be put to, in proving this my 
Will and other necessaries incident thereunto, or in re- 
covering or suing for any debts, or defending any suits 
commenced against them as my executors, the same is to be 
deducted and taken forth out of the residue and remainder 
of my personal estate, my debts and legacies being first 
discharged. I desire my very true friends Anthony Pearson 
of Rampshaw in the county of Durham, gentleman, and 
Jarvise Benson of Heay-Garth in the county of York,- 
gentleman, to endeaA-or what in them lies to see this my 
last Will and Testament truly performed by my executors, 
to whom, scilicet, to the said Anthony and Jarvise, I do 
give Forty shillings apiece, desiring them to accept of it 
to buy each of them a ring therewith. I-clo hereby revoke 
and make void all former Wills and Testaments by me 
made, and I do hereby give unto my beloved son George 
Fell, so many of my Law-books as will make those which 
he hath the complete body of the law, and wherein they 
shall prove defective, my executors shall sell so many of 
the rest of my law-books as will buy those that are wanting. 
I do hereby in further token of my love and affection unto 
my dear wife, give and bequeath unto her, my Dwelling- 
house, onsett, with all the buildings, stables, barns, orchards, 



154 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

gardens, therewith all used and occupied, with Fifty acres 
of ground, lying most conveniently unto the said house, 
and to he set out and divided by my executors ; all which 
I give and bequeath unto my said loving wife, so long as 
she shall continue and remain in my name, and as my 
widow, and unmarried to any other, and no longer, in 
hopes that she will be careful and loving unto my poor 
fatherless children. And lastly I do publish and declare 
this to be my last Will and Testament. In witness whereof 
I have hereunto set m} r hand and seal, the day and year 
first above written : 





Witness hereof, GEO: FELL. THOMAS KNYTE. 

THOMAS GREAVES. WILLIAM BENSON. 

" This Will was proved at London, before the Judges 
.for Probate of Wills and granting Administrations, the 
fourth clay of December, 1658, b}*- the oath of Richard 
Padcliffe, and Thomas Coulton, executors, to whom was 
committed administration, the} 7 being first legally sworn 
truly to administer." 

(Endorsed) " December the 1st, 1658. 
" Thomas Coulton, one of the executors within named 
was sworn before me, 

" Ja: Master. 

The discovery of the foregoing Will, places before us a 
document peculiarly characteristic of Judge Fell. Wise 
forethought and benevolence mark its details throughout. 
On the approach of death as in life, he kindly remembered 
his servants ; also the aged poor of his neighborhood, and 
the children of the poor. Property once his is still liable 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 155 

to incumbrance thus left on it. The value of those small 
bequests in that day can better be understood by taking 
into account the wages common at that time. — A labouring 
man got from three half-pence to twopence per claj*, a 
woman a penny a day, often less. Five pounds then would 
probably have purchased as many of the necessaries of life 
as twenty now. 

The Judge's widow had a settlement independent of what 
is mentioned in the Will. It was an annuity payable from 
the Hawkswell estate, which estate went as an inheritance 
to George Fell, their son. Being heir to that family 
pi'operty, he is not mentioned as a legatee in his father's 
will, except in connection with a set of lawbooks. Swarth. 
moor estate is thought to have been purchased either by 
the Judge or his father. It could not have been an entailed 
inheritance, since it was divided between the mother and 
daughters. Marsh Grange, the Askew estate, was sold to 
Judge Fell by his wife's brothers ; hence it, or two-thirds 
of it, constituted a part of the residue to be divided 
between the sisters. In one of the family letters, there is 
a remark which indicates that one-third of that estate 
belonged to their mother. 

There were many true hearts that could sympathize with 
Margaret Fell in her bereavement. She had lost an affec- 
tionate husband, and one whose protection could never be 
equalled by any non-official person. His influence had 
been as a shield around her on all sides. Xow she was left 
as the head of the family, single handed to bear the brunt 
of persecution, cruelty, and avarice. But she was not 
solitary, for the Lord was with her, and she was sur- 
rounded by a family of loving, devoted children. 

Some of the letters written to her by distant friends 
have been preserved. Henry Fell, who belonged to the 
same neighbourhood, but does not appear to have been a 
near relative of the Swarthmoor Fells, was then on a 
foreign mission, and wrote to her thus : — 



156 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" I was sorrowful when I heard that thy husband was 
departed ; hut not as they that are without hope, for 
indeed I remembered his former sendee for the truth, and 
love to Friends, and heard by W. Caton's letter of the 
continuance of it, and that it did increase, even to the end ; 
I was somewhat comforted, in that I did believe he had 
not lost his reward. 

" The Lord will be to thee, and is, more than ten hus- 
bands, and will be a father to thy children ; His blessing- 
will remain with them if they abide in His counsel, He will 
not leave them nor forsake them." 

Alexander Parker, who well knew the sterling worth of 
his departed friend, addressed the widowed mourner in 
these words : — " Dear Sister, be thou comforted and re- 
freshed ; though an outward stay be taken from thee, thy 
house is not left desolate ; the God of Jacob will be thy 
refuge, and the Lord thy Maker is thy husband. It was 
but very lately that I heard of the laying down of the 
bod} r of thy husband, and truly it did at first sadden my 
spirit, knowing his dear love and tender care over the 
Lord's lambs, and the service he was in while he continued 
in his place. I know the Lord's love was towards him for 
his good ; but thou and I, with all the rest of the Lord's 
followers, must be contented with what the Lord brings to 
pass." 

Thomas Salthouse, another Friend and once the deceased 
Judge's agent, thus alludes to his death: — "Truly, dear 
heart, the news came near me when I heard that thy dear 
husband had laid down the earthly tabernacle, and much 
did it affect me, as if it had been my nearest relation. But 
I believe the Lord will give him an eternal inheritance 
among them that are sanctified, and hath received him to 
the rest prepared for His people among whom he is num- 
bered, and may be recorded in the book of remembrance 
for succeeding generations." 

When Judge Fell died, his eldest daughter was about 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 157 

twenty-five 3-ears of age, the youngest five, and his only 
son, George, twenty-two. He was a law-student, and had 
chambers in the Temple ; consequently spent much of his 
time in London. We give a letter written to him by his 
mother about a year before his father's death. It is the 
only one extant from 

Margaret Fell to her Son. 

" George, my dear heart, — Take heed of lightness and 
haughtiness, and take heed of pride getting hold of thee. 
My dear, keep in the fear of the Lord thy Creator, who 
hath preserved thee all thy life-time until now, — beware that 
thou requite Him not evil for good, in sinning against Him, 
and transgressing against that in thy conscience which 
tells thee thou should not do evil against God. My dear 
son, if thou mind the Lord and fear Him, thou wilt be kept 
safe from dangers and temptations, and be delivered from 
evil ; but if thou depart from the fear of the Lord, then thou 
liest open to temptations, and will be drawn away by the 
enemy of thy soul. My dear love, [remember] all the wages 
of the wicked will come to naught and perish though never 
so delightful for the present ; for woe and misery will be 
the end of all sin and wickedness. Therefore, my dear love, 
turn from evil and sin ; and keep down riskiness, and for- 
wardness, and headiness. [If thou] strive for patience 
thou wilt see the blessing of God will be upon thee. My 
dear son, I cannot forget thee — my cries to my Heavenly 
Father are for thee, that thou may be preserved. So, my 
dear, the Lord God of life and power be with thee, that 
thou be preserved — 

" Read this often, my dear love, that as often as thou read 
it thy spirit ma}- be with me. 

" Thy sisters at home are all [well] and remember their 
dear love to thee — Let us hear from thee as often as thou 
canst."* 

* From the original in the Swartkmoor manuscripts of Robert 
Spence, of North Shields. 



158 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Of the son thus earnestly and affectionately addressed 
by his anxious mother, Ave know but little for many years 
after his father's death. There is evidence, however that 
he spent much time in London, probably in following up his 
legal studies or his profession as a lawyer; and by a list of 
the magistrates in Lancashire in the year 1660, it appears 
he was then a justice of the peace and a commissioner of 
militia in that county. 

By the opening paragraph in his mother's letter, warning 
him against pride and haughtiness, we may infer that she 
regarded George's chief temptations at that time as arising 
from those tendencies. 



CHAPTER XII. 

1659—1660. 

Friends' Petition to Parliament for the release op their Im- 
prisoned Brethren — Substitutes offer themselves — Re- 
jection of their Petition and offer — Letters to Margaret 
Fell from Alexander Parker, Henry Fell, and others- 
Political Changes — General Monk's Soldiers — Restora- 
tion of the King — Declaration of King Charles on Liberty 
of Conscience. 

Richard Cromwell's trial of National Government, 
though short, was sufficient to convince himself and others 
that he was unfit to bear its central weight, in the emer- 
gency which succeeded the demise of his father. To balance 
aright the claims and the power of rival parties in the State, 
required more vigour and higher authority than he could 
command. He had neither the strength nor ambition 
adequate for the perilous elevation of National Protector. 
Therefore, eight months from his father's death, weary of 
political strife, he resigned the Protectorship, and retired 
to private life. Then the Parliament and the army, each 
declaring what great things they were about to effect for the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 159 

good of the people, seemed ready to engage in another 
desperate rivalry for the helm of Government. 

The Friends took no part in these political changes, but 
they -were not unconcerned spectators of passing events. 
Very anxiously they thought of their brethren in bonds, 
and "were determined to try for their release, "whilst those 
"who could grant it "were striving to secure a character for 
equity. There "were at that time 163 Quakers confined for 
matters of conscience in the prisons of the metropolis and 
elsewhere ; accordingly, the Friends got up a petition to 
the Parliament, and in it alluded to the cruel and unjust 
treatment those prisoners had endured from the clergy and 
the magistracy. But other affairs so much absorbed the 
attention of the Parliament, that this petition at first could 
not get a reading. On perceiving the little "way it "was 
making, the Friends again met to deliberate on the course 
to be pursued ; ultimately they resolved to send to the 
metropolitan and neighbouring meetings to ask for the 
names of persons "willing to take the place of their impris- 
oned brethren, many of "whom were in irons and ready to 
die, — others were sick and languishing from long confine- 
ment in foul air and vile dens of prisons. Very quickly the 
number of voluntary substitutes was made up. The 163 
Friends who thus offered themselves to take the place of 
their brethren in bonds, met by agreement in Westminster 
Hall, ten days after the presentation of the first petition, 
which still remained unread. They sent in another appeal, 
referring to the former petition, and stating their anxiety 
for their suffering Friends, and their desire to be in the 
meantime substituted for them. " We do stand ready," 
say the petitioners, to go into their places, in love to our 
brethren, that they die not in prison as many of the brethren 
are dead already. We are willing [if need be] to lay down 
our lives and to take the sufferings upon us which 3-011 
would inflict upon them." To this second petition the 1C3 
names are appended. 



160 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR II ALL, 

111 the " Mercurius Politicus" a news-book of the period 
(now in the British Museum), the circumstance is thus 
mentioued : — 

" 1659, Friday, April 15. — This day a great number of a 
sort of people called Quakers came up to London, from 
several parts, and assembled themselves in Westminster 
Hall with intent to represent somewhat to the House touch- 
ing the men of their way. 

" Saturday, 16th of April. — A paper written on the out- 
side thereof with these words, namely — ' For the speaker 
of the Commons asembled in Parliament — these are for him 
to read to the House of Commons,' was this day read. And 
upon the reading thereof, the same amongst other things 
referred to another paper, entitled, ' A Declaration to the 
Parliament, &c, delivered the sixth day of the second 
month called April, 1659, to the New Speaker of the House.' 
The said papers were presented by certain persons com- 
monly called Quakers." 

Burton's Diary says that on the 16th, the attention of 
the House was called to the petition by Colonel Grosvenor 
in the following terms — " I took notice of a great number 
of people called Quakers in the Hall yesterda} r and to-day. 
I wish you would take some course with their petition, that 
has lain a long time before j-ou ; and they be dispersed." 
Then Burton observes — " Another member moved that they 
be whipped home as vagrants. The petition was at length 
read. Several members made a variety of remarks ; several 
are against them, some appear to be in favour of them, or 
the release of their imprisoned brethren ; others were for 
referring their grievances to a committee ; another said that 
the county members should refer their case to the justices, 
to enquire into their grievances. At length the House 
resolved ' That the answer to be given to the persons that 
presented this paper is, that this House hath read their 
paper and the paper therein referred to ; and doth declare 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 161 

their dislike of the scandal thereby cast upon magistracy 
and ministry ; and doth therefore order, that the}r and 
other persons concerned, do forthwith resort to their respec- 
tive habitations, and there apply themselves to their call- 
ings, and submit themselves to the laws of the nation, and 
the magistracy they live under." 

That such an appeal, and such a noble offer from the 
friends of the imprisoned, had no better reponse from the 
assembled Parliament, is to be accounted for by the fact, 
that many who then sat in the house were themselves either 
directly or indirectly implicated in snch imprisonments as 
these complained of. Therefore, the more generous and 
true-hearted the offer of those who came forward as substi- 
tutes for the prisoners, the more unwilling for an examina- 
tion and the more annoyed were they who had given their 
countenance to the persecution. Hence they most earnestly 
opposed listening to the complainants, and succeeded in 
bringing about the prompt determination to quash the 
whole proceeding, by urging the House to regard the 
petition as a slander on the magistracy and the ministry. 

Notwithstanding the above decision, there were many 
members who felt that the matter should not have been 
hurried over or decided as it was. Their expression to that 
effect may probably have encouraged the Friends to try 
again without much delay. Be that as it may, we find that 
in about three weeks after the rejection of their former 
petition, they again laid before the house a statement of the 
grievances under which the Quaker prisoners were suffering. 
On this occasion they were listened to more reasonabby. 
Thus Thomas Rawlinson writes to Margaret Fell respecting 
it : — " I believe thou hast heard what turnings and changes 
have been here in London. The Parliament began to sit 
again the last Seventh-day ; and there is something expected 
from them. Friends have this day delivered the paper of 
sufferings into the House, and it is referred to a Committee. 



162 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

The army pretends to put all wicked men out of places 
and offices; if they do as they say, it is more than is 
expected." 

Another Friend writes to her on the above Committee 
having commenced its examinations : — " Friends' sufferings 
were yesterday taken into consideration at Westminster, 
and grievous things were declared against the priests, which 
did enter into the hearts of some of the Committee ; we 
made them shake their heads, and grieved them [by our 
details]. They said they would have some of the priests 
up to London, and they would examine them about these 
things." 

The following letter alludes to the same subject : — 

Alexander Parker to Margaret Fell. 

London, 22nd 4U1 mo., 1659. 

" Truly beloved Sister, — Though for some time I have 
been silent, }*et my love is enlarged towards you all ; though 
in body I be absent from you, } T et in the Lord I am present 
with you. Oh ! how good and precious a thing it is to be 
kept in the love of the Truth. The Lo'rd strengthen and 
preserve all His faithful ones unto the end ! 

" Things in this city generally are well, and truly this I 
may say,— that never since I knew the Truth was the service 
greater. A mighty thirst and desire and openness are in 
many people, especially since the change in the Government. 
The work is very great, and labourers, who are true and 
faithful, are but few, as thou well knows ; and this I see, 
that the more we labour the more work we have But the 
Lord is our strength, and willing I am to spend and be 
spent for the Lord's sake. 

" The Committee of Parliament are most of them very 
moderate, and examine things very fully. And whether 
they do anything or nothing as to the enlargement of 
Friends, it is serviceable that the wickedness of greedy and 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 163 

covetous men is brought to light.* Much cannot he 
expected from men in that nature ; for though there be a 
change of name, yet the old nature is still standing. 
' Earth enough there is to make another mountain.' But 
■whatever be the consequence, this I know and feel, that 
truth hath an open door. The Lord prosper His work, and 
carry it on to His own praise and glory ! 

" George Fox and Edward Burrough came to this city 
last Fifth-day. Much service they have had in Kent and 
other parts. As for E. B.'s service in Dunkirk, I leave it 
to his own declaration by his letters to Kendal. G. F. is 
well, as J. R.f can inform thee, who went out of this city 
last week ; it is like they may be with thee before the 
receipt of this. My love is to her (probably Margaret Fell, 
jun.) and to Bridget, Sarah, and the rest. 

" In dearness of love unto thee, I remain thy 
brother in the service of the Lord, 

"A. P." 

Thomas Bawlinson and Alexander Parker, the writers 
of the foregoing letters, were two of the 163 who offered to 
go to prison as substitutes for their friends. 

Throughout the various changes of these times, Sir Harry 
Vane and Colonel Bich were among the few who always 
took the side of justice and liberty of conscience. Both 
of them were on the Parliamentary Committee mentioned 
above, so was the Earl of Pembroke. But their examina- 
tions and deliberations, however satisfactory to the Friends, 
were brought to a close by a dissolution of Parliament, 
before much had been done towards opening the prison 
doors. 

* The covetousness above alluded to had been manifested in the 
frequent and enormous fines that w-ere exacted from Friends for 
declining io swear when summoned, for not paying tithe, and for 
speaking against it as an unchiistian impost. 

f J. K., above mentioned, was probably John Rous — M. F.'s future 
son-in-law. 



164 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

The officers of the army not being satisfied to be so much 
under the control of the two Houses of Parliament, the 
Commons was dissolved and another House elected, com- 
posed largely of military men ; and the House of Lords 
was once more abolished. 

Concerning these changes and their influence on the 
Friends, Margaret Fell's London correspondents kept her 
duly informed. Thus Richard Ilubberthorn writes of the 
militar}^ rule that supervened : — . 

" The work is increasing daily, and meetings all over the 
cit}' pretty peaceable from disturbance. As for the officers 
of the army here, they bring forth little that is good unto 
any perfection; they talk and they debate about things, 
but that is most they do. As for tithes, they debate about 
them, sometimes talking of selling them; how to provide 
a maintenance for a ministry they are in great consultation 
about. Sometimes they tell of reducing the 9000 parishes 
in England into 3000, and so to have some certain ministers 
who shall be the State's ministers, and the State to pay 
them. Some of the heads of them are deceitful in pride 
and ambition, and seek for themselves, and not the good of 
others ; but some of the inferiors have honest intents, if 
they could bring them to pass. I have been oftentimes 
with Colonel Rich, Henry Vane, Ashfield and others. They 
are pretty open to hear counsel, and do profess to stand for 
good things. Colonel Rich was very serviceable to Friends 
in the late Committee, and is bold to speak for truth and 
righteousness amongst them. But he and Tane and the 
rest of those that w r ould do something are rejected. The 
chief leaders among them dare not bring anything to the 
vote, because the general part of the inferior officers would 
have liberty and honest things. Colonel Rich declared 
among them, how that many of our Friends were in prison 
again since the Parliament was dissolved ; and how that 
the Parliament had done more for the liberty of tender 
conscience than they had done, ne did move to appoint 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 165 

a Committee for the same purpose to free those that suf- 
fered for conscience' sake. Many of them said it was good ; 
hut the} r put it oif and would not do it then. 

" I desire to hear from thee as thou finds freedom. 
" Thy dear brother, 

" Pv. HlJBBERTHORN." 

"London, 21st of 9tli mo. (11th), 1659." 

Three months later Henry Fell writes to his friend at 
Swarthmoor of the outrages of General Monk's soldiers. 

Henry Fell to Margaret Fell. 

"London, 7th of 12th mo., 1659— {2nd mo., 1660). 

11 George Fox and Friends here are well, but General 
Monk's soldiers begin to be rude concerning Friends' meet- 
ings. John Scafe is come to town ; yesterday he went to 
the meeting in the Palace-yard at Westminster. Soon after 
he commenced speaking, they began to pull Friends out of 
the house violently and beat them very sore ; yea, they 
beat and abused Friends exceedingly in the streets. I 
arrived there when they had haled almost all the Friends 
out ; they pulled me about and beat me much, and knocked 
me down and tore all my coat. Edward Billing and his 
wife were much abused, he especially. I hear he went pres- 
ently and wrote to the Parliament, acquainting some of 
them (privately) with our usage ; told them he would 
endeavour to lay it before General Monk and the rest. 

" Great distractions and disaffections there are among 
people as things now stand ; but to them that fear the Lord 
and wait upon Him all things will turn to their good. 
" Thy brother, 

" Henry Fell." 

An entry in Pepys' Diary, Feb. 7th (corresponding with 
the date of the foregoing letter), stands thus : — " To the 
Hall — went in the Palace — I saw Monk's soldiers abuse 



166 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL 

Billing and all the Quakers that were at a meeting-place 
there ; and, indeed, the soldiers did use them very roughly, 
and were to blame." 

Edward Billing was another of the noble band that had 
offered to take the place of their Friends in prison. His 
own account of the Palace-yard transaction, as related in 
a letter to his friend, is as follows : — 

it * * * * Since General Monk's coming to London 
with his army, we have been very much abused in our meet- 
ings ; as in the Palace-j'ard, where we were pulled out by 
the hair of the head, kicked and knocked down, both men 
and women, in a manner not here to be expressed. Many 
were the knocks and kicks and blows myself and wife 
received. And this was done by General Monk's foot, who 
came into the meeting with sword and pistol, being, as they 
said, bound by an oath to leave never a sectarian in Eng- 
land ; saying that they had orders from Lord Monk to pull 
us out of our meeting ; which, with inexpressible cruelty, 
the} 7 did. The meeting in the Palace-yard I suppose thou 
knowest. 

" After they had beaten us in the house with their 
swords in the scabbards, and with whips, out they drag us, 
and kick us into the kennel, where many a blow I received, 
being knocked and kicked through the Palace-yard, even 
to the Hall-door. Being got within the Hall, after a little 
recovery I was moved to write a little note to the Speaker 
in the House, — Parliament being then sitting. As soon as 
I got into the lobby I sent into the House for Serjeant 
Chedleton, who came to me, and I gave him the note, 
laying it upon him to give it to the Speaker, which he did, 
and it was forthwith read in the House, when an enemy 
stands up and says, ' The multitude is appeased,' &c, &c. 
I passed through them back again to the meeting-house, 
when they fell upon me the second time, as before. In my 
passing back to my own lodging they ceased not, but kept 
crying, ' Kill him, kill him !' 



AND TIIEIR FRIENDS. 167 

" We afterwards met Colonel Rich, who was much affected 
to see and hear of our usage. With him I passed through 
the Palace-yard again, the soldiers and multitude being 
just then beating a woman of the house at the door, and 
plundering the house, notwithstanding it had been said 
that the tumult was appeased. At last I got to Whitehall, 
where General Monk was, with whom I had present audi- 
ence. In a few words I laid the whole matter before him, 
and told him that the soldiers said they had his order for 
it. [He said] he might say they had not. I answered, 
that since he and his army had come to town we could not 
pass the streets without much abuse ; not having been 
so much abused these many years — nay, I say, never by 
soldiers." 

To repress the continued excesses of the soldiers in 
disturbing the Friends' meetings, Richard Hubberthorn, 
about a month after the first great outage, wrote to 
General Monk requesting him to use his authority in 
putting a stop to it. The General accordingly wrote the 
following order, which has been preserved among the 
Swarthmoor documents in Devonshire House. 

St. James, 9th of March. 

" I doo require all officers and souldiers to forbeare to 
disturb the peaceable meetings of the Quakers, they doeing 
nothing prejudicial to the Parliament or Commonwealth of 
England. 

" George Monk." 

Richard Hubberthorn, informing his friend at Swarth- 
moor of the receipt of the above order, tells her that for the 
present it has repressed the excesses of Monk's soldiers. 

The disorganization and misrule arising out of so many 
contending interests, without any centralized authority 
adequate to hold the helm of government, soon wrought 
another chancre. General Monk saw from the direction in 



168 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

which the tide of affairs was propelling the vessel of State, 
that it was full time to make his own peace with the royal 
exile, unless he were prepared totally to abandon place 
and power. In a mind like his, the latter alternative was 
not to be entertained. So, with consummate art and 
duplicit}*, he laid the plans that were to secure his own 
selfish interest ; and, though twisting them about as neces- 
sity appeared to suggest, he suffered no one to see through 
them till all was duly prepared for bringing in the King 
by his instrumentality. 

Richard Hubberthorn's next letter contains the following 
paragraph, under date 29th of 3rd month (5th month) 
1CC0. " This day did King Charles and his two brethren 
James and Henry come into this city. Charles is of a 
pretty sober countenance, but the great pride and vanity 
of those that brought him in, is inexpressible. He is in 
danger to be brought to those things that he in himself is 
not inclined unto." Doubtless the circumstances that had 
surrounded Charles had not tended to develop the better 
features of his character ; and it is probable he was brought 
by immediate surroundings, as Richard Hubberthorn appre- 
hended would be the case, to do many things that his own 
inclination would not have drawn him into. But that 
"pretty sober countenance" which so much interested this 
good Friend on that day of his reception, revealed only 
the easy pleasantry that spread over the surface, whilst it 
gave no conception of the absence of sterling principle, 
and the non-existence of truthful reliability. 

There was hope and joy at Swarthmoor Hall in view of 
the national future, when they heard that to the legitimate 
heir — that amiable-looking young king — the reins of gov- 
ernment were peacefully given up by the Parliament and 
the army, whilst gladness prevailed among the people. No 
marvel that the declaration which had been made by 
Charles on liberty of conscience, in the manifesto he issued 
whilst at Breda, in Belgium, a few weeks previous to his 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 169 

restoration, had inspired both hope and joy amongst the 
persecuted Friends. For that declaration seemed in tone 
and spirit both sensible and reasonable. It ran thus : — 
" Because the passions and uncharitableness of the times 
have produced several opinions in religion, by which men 
are engaged in parties and animosities against each other, 
•which, when they shall afterwards unite in a freedom of 
conversation, will be composed or better understood, we 
do declare a liberty to tender consciences ; and that no 
man shall be disquieted or called in question for differences 
of opinion in matters of religion which do not disturb the 
peace of the kingdom ; and that we shall be ready to con- 
sent to such an Act of Parliament as upon mature deliber- 
ation shall be offered unto us for the full granting that 
indulg-ence." 



CHAPTER XIII. 

1660. 

George Fox imprisoned at Lancaster — Margaret Fell goes 
to London to intercede with the Kixg fob his Release — ■ 
Letters from: Richard Hubberthorn to Margaret Fell — 
Letter from M. F. to Georse Fox— He is ordered to 
London — His Appearaxce before the Court of Klng's 
Bench— His Release -Letter from M. F. to her Children 
— Letter of M. F., junior, to her Sisters— Bridget Fell 
to her Mother. 

When King Charles was restored to the throne of his 
ancestors, many who had loudl} 7 boasted of maintaining the 
sovereignty of the people, under the past regime, were 
then anxious to prove their loj^alty by detecting the dis- 
krvalty of their neighbours. Henry Porter, formerly a major, 
and now mayor of Lancaster, was one of these. Hearing 
that George Fox had arrived at Swarthmoor on a visit to 
the Fells, he sent a posse of constables to take him prisoner, 
hoping to acquire a character for active loyalty, by im- 



1T0 THE FELLS OE SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

pugning one whom he well knew would not take the oath 
of allegiance. The}' - carried him to U'verstone, where he re- 
mained the first night with a guard of fifteen men in the 
same room, who sat up to watch him. " Some of them 
took their seats in the chimney," says Fox, " for fear I 
should go up it, such dark imaginations possessed them. 

One of the constables said he did not think a thousand 
men could have taken me. ; ' It would seem that the super- 
stitious among the men of Furness were still possessed 
with the idea of George Fox being in such league with 
supernatural agencies that human force could rarely cope 
with him. 

Next day they marched him over the Sands and so on 
to Lancaster. " A great triumph they thought to have 
had," says the prisoner, " but as they led me I was moved 
to sing praises to the Lord, in His triumphing power over 
all." Major Porter committed him on the charge of being 
" an enemy to the King — that he endeavoured to raise a 
new war, and embrue the nation in blood again." Fox in 
his Journal says, " Upon nry being taken and forcibly carried 
away from Margaret Fell's house and charged with things 
of so high a nature, she was concerned, as looking upon it 
to be an injury offered to her, whereupon she wrote the 
following lines, and sent them abroad, directed thus: — 

" To all magistrates, concerning the wrong taking up 
and imprisoning of George Fox at Lancaster. 

" I do inform the Governors of this nation that Henry 
Porter, Mayor of Lancaster, sent a warrant, with four con- 
stables, to my house, for which he had no authoritj', nor 
order. Thej^ searched my house, and apprehended George 
Fox in it, who was not guilty of the breach of any law, or of 
anj r offence against any in the nation. After they had taken 
him and brought him before the said Henry Porter, there 
was bail offered, what he would demand for his appeai'ance, 
to answer what could be laid to his charge, but he (contrary 
to law, if he had taken him lawfully) denied to accept any 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. Ill 

bail. After he was in prison a copy of his mittimus "was 
demanded, so that he might see what was laid to his charge, 
but it was denied him. [Two of his friends were] only 
suffered to read it over, and everything that was therein 
charged against him was utterly false, he was not guilty of 
any one charge in it, as will be proved to the nation. I 
am concerned in this thing inasmuch as he was appre- 
hended in my house ; and if he be guilty I am so too. 

" Margaret Fell. " 

Porter declared George Fox was committed for high 
treason, and therefore he could only be released by King 
or Parliament. Then Margaret Fell said she would proceed 
to London, and lay the true state of the case before the 
King. Porter announced that he would go too, "and meet 
her in the gap." Anne Curtis, another Friend, whose 
father had suffered death for his loyalty to the King, when 
Mayor of Bristol, on the rising of the Commonwealth, 
offered to go with her. They were very courteously re- 
ceived by King Charles, and had several interviews with 
him ; but on Porter making his appearance, they about the 
Court freely talked of his former proceedings as those of 
a violent Cromwellian officer. He soon got so alarmed, 
that he made a hasty retreat out of the Metropolis and 
back to Lancaster as fast as he could. The King promptly 
granted an order for the prisoner's removal to London as 
the first step towards his release ; but objections from 
other quarters interposed, so as to occasion considerable 
delay, as will be seen by the following letters. The first is 
from 

Margaret Fell to George Fox. 

"London, 31st of 5th mo. (7th mo.), 1660. 

" Thine I received, wherein thou mentions thou had no 
letter that week ; which is strange to me, for I did not miss 
[writing to thee any] week since I came hither. But that 



172 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

week especially I gave a particular account how that I car- 
ried Anne Curtis to the Xing, and what she said to him, 
and he to her, and concerning thy being brought up to 
London to be examined. He did consent thereto, and gave 
direction to issue an order to that purpose, but the secre- 
tary who was to write the order would not write it as from 
the King in particular, only as a habeas corpus. After the 
thing came into question, General Monk and several others 
would not consent that the King should or could send any 
particular orders, but such as were according to law. 

" The next day I was with the King again, and he promised 
me that he would give special order to the judges to release 
Friends ; but what he would do, he cannot. I spoke to him 
concerning the oath that Friends could not take, and told 
him there would be persecution at the assizes, as ib would 
be offered to Friends who were to do service to their 
country, which required swearing according to law. I 
gave him Friends' answer to the oath, and told him if that 
would serve, there should be some manifestation from him 
that he was satisfied with it ; but if he was not satisfied, 
then we could not expect anything but to suffer. It put 
him to a stand, and he said he knew not what to do ; they 
that were about him gave answer and said, the King could 
do nothing but according to the law, and if we would not 
be subject to the laws of the nation, then we must suffer 
by them — so at that time they took him away from me. 

" The last First-day I was at Whitehall, and gave the 
King a paper which I was moved to write to him. There 
was one with me who had some books ; three of the ' Battle- 
doors '* were delivered ; one to the King's bed-chamberman, 

* "The Battledoor" was a book written at the suggestion of 
George Fox, by Benjamin Furley and John Stubbs, who were great 
linguists. It gave examples from about thirty different languages, 
of the common use of the pronouns thee and thou to single persons 
even of the highest rank, notwithstanding the annoyance such use 
gave to English people. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 173 

and another to the clean of the chapel, and a third to a great 
man of the court. There were likewise given some of the 
'Answers to the Phanatic Histoiy,' which thou spoke of in 
thy last letter. The ' Phanatic Histoiy ' was answered on 
its first coming forth by J. N. and R. H.* There are some 
queries put out by Jesuits or Papists to Friends, which J. 
Nayler is now answering. 

"I do not know but there may be way made for my 
return ere it be long, but I cannot see that it will be before 
the assizes. Let me hear from thee by the next post, and 
weigh this thing ; for I am given up to the will and the 
service of the Lord. 

"All are very well here ; and all the meetings full and 
quiet. Let inquiry be made at the post-house what became 
of the letters. There were some to the children that I 
would not like to have lost. G. P. was put on the outside, 
and it may be that was the cause [they were not delivered]. 
" Our everlasting love is unto 3-011, 

U M. F."f 

Thus indorsed on the back in George Fox's writing : — 
" M. F. to G. F., at Lancaster Prison, concerning the King's 
sa3-ings." 

Three weeks later than the date of the preceding letter, 
Pvichard Kubberthorn wrote to Margaret Fell concerning 
the writ which had been sent down, summoning George 
Fox to London. From this letter we perceive, that her 
friend Colonel West was again aiding in the cause of liberty 
and justice. 

* James Nayler"s case was specially commented on in the "Pha- 
natic History," and he very candidly and earnestly replied, tak'ng 
fully on himself tho blame that belonged to him — at the same time 
showing that the Friends as a Society were not therein implicated. 

I From the original in late James Midgley's old MS. collection, 
now in possession cf his daughter, E. Thwaite, of Spring Hill, 
R.chdale. 



11 4 the fells op swarthmoor hall, 

Richard Hubberthorn to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear Friend, — This day I came to Preston about the 
12th hour, and Robert "Widders and I and John Lawson 
went to the Sheriff, and delivered him the writ, and Colonel 
"West's letter. The writ being directed to the Chancellor, 
he sent us to him, who put it off for an hour, and after 
that, he would not make out the warrant, but said the 
Sheriff must do it. At last they got the Sheriff and him 
together, and sometimes they were both willing, and then 
they sought an occasion from one word which was — its 
being directed to the Chancellor, and saying, " G. Fox in 
prison under your custody," they say he is not in the 
Chancellor's custody but the Sheriff's, so that the word 
your should be his, and then they say it would serve. So 
they returned to us again that we might send it up that 
that word only be altered, and have it sent down again 
the next post. I have sent it to Colonel West, that he may 
get it done, and returned with speed that it be at Lancaster 
in the assize week. So thou may speak to him to see if he 
have received it, and what return he makes thou may write 
to us, that we ma} r know to whom he doth direct his letter. 
If thou art free thou may mention it to Marsh." 

" R. Hubberthorn. 
"Prestox, 21st day of 6th mo." * 

The word in the writ was corrected, and the habeas 
corpus promptly returned, but then another pretext for 
retaining the prisoner in jail was got up. The expense of 
a guard proportioned to the occasion, was more than the 
Lancaster authorities wished to incur ; they therefore in- 
sisted that George Fox should pay all the expense of con- 
ve3 T ance, and give his written bond to that effect. This he 
positively refused to do, telling them at the same time, if 

* From the Sliackleton Collection of original unpublished Swarth- 
moor letters. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 175 

he were a man such as thej T had represented him to be, his 
bond should not be asked for or taken, and instead of a 
convoy of constables, they should send a troop or two of 
horse to guard him. 

" Meanwhile," says Fox, " the assizes came on ; but inas- 
much as there was a writ come down, for removing me up, 
I was not brought before the judge. At the assizes many 
people came to see me, and I was moved to speak out of 
the jail window to them, and show them how uncertain 
their religion was ; and that every sort that had been 
uppermost persecuted the rest. When popery had been 
uppermost, people had been persecuted for not following 
the mass, and they that did hold up the mass cried then 
theirs was the higher power, and that the people must be 
subject to the higher power. Afterwards, they that held 
up for the common prayer persecuted others for not fol- 
lowing that ; they also said it was the higher power, and 
we must be subject to that. The Presbyterians and 
Independents each cried we must be subject to their higher 
power, and submit to the directory of the one, and the 
Church faith of the other. Thus all, like the apostate 
Jews, have cried ' help, men of Israel, against true Chris- 
tians.' So people might see how uncertain they are about 
their religions. But I directed them to Christ Jesus (the 
highest power), that the} r might be built upon Him, the 
rock aud foundation that changeth not. Much on this wise 
I declared to them, and they were quiet and very attentive." 
This sort of preaching from the window of the prison did 
not please the authorities — neither was the act nor the 
doctrine agreeable ; but they saw no safe way of preventing 
it. So they began to wish to get clear of their prisoner, if 
they could only do so without incurring the expense they 
had protested he must pay. After further consideration 
they asked him for a bond of promise as to his behaviour 
on the wa} r up, and his presenting himself as required, and 
they would let him go alone. The letter below, from R. 



IT 6 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Hubberthorn, written about four weeks after the preceding 
one, explains to Margaret Fell the prisoner's views on this 
point. 

Richard Hubberthorn to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear Sister, — My clear love with the rest of Friends 
here is unto thee. We have not this last post received any 
letter from thee. The last week I did write unto thee how 
the sheriff for the present has put a stop to the business of 
George coining up, because George would not seal bond to 
good behaviour ; since which I have been with him twice, 
but he (the sheriff) yet stands upon it, and now he saith it 
shall be so till Colonel West comes down. He saith, if 
Colonel West will but say that he may do it with safety to 
himself without George's own bond, that he will do it — 
and thus he makes his last excuse. So having heard that 
Colonel West was coming down, I went to Preston to have 
met him yesterday, but he did not come ; neither as yet do 
I know any certainty of his coming — whether he have put 
it off or not. But if he do come I expect it may be [all 
settled] shortl}-. G. F. is well, and all Friends hereabouts. 
This day there is a general meeting at Wray near Hornby, 
which I am going to. 

" My dear love to Friends there, to James Nayler and 
George Whitehead ; remember me to Elizabeth Croft. 
" Dearly remember me, 

" R. Hubberthorn. 

" Dearly remember me to Gerard Roberts, Gilbert Late}', 
Anne Downes, and M. Gonders."* 

As we hear no more of Colonel West, we may presume 
he did not leave London at that time. The authorities at 
Lancaster in the meantime becoming more and more uneasy, 
they at length yielded to the proposal of the prisoner, which 

* From the original in the Shackleton Collection. 



AND TIIEIR FRIENDS. 177 

\vas simply that ho would go to London with some of his 
own friends and at his own cost, taking his time, yet taking 
care " to be in London on such a day, if the Lord did per- 
mit/' Further that he himself, or if the}- chose it, one of 
his friends, would cany their charge against him, and pre- 
sent it. To this the} r at last consented. " "Whereupon," 
sa}-s Fox, " I was set out of prison and went to Swarth- 
moor, where I stayed two or three days, and from thence 
went to Lancaster again, and so to Preston, having meet- 
ings among Friends on the waj^." Thus he proceeded from 
place to place among his friends, holding meetings as he 
went along, and reached London in due time. It was the 
day after the execution of some of those concerned in the 
condemnation of the late king, and the city was in great 
commotion. But to the accused himself, who was eye and 
ear witness of all these scenes, we must l'efer the telling of 
his trial, and release, in his own inimitable simple graphic 
style, quaint though it be : — 

" We went next morning to Judge Mallet's chamber, 
who was putting on his red gown to go sit upon some of 
more the King's judges. He was then very peevish and 
froward, and said I might come another time. We went 
another time to his chamber, and then there was with him 
Judge Foster, who was called the Lord Chief Justice of 
England; with me was one called Esquire Marsh, who was 
one of the bed-chamber of the King. When he had de- 
livered to the judges the charge that was against me, and 
they had read to those words that said I and my friend 
were embroiling the nation in blood, &c, they struck their 
hands upon the table ; whereupon I told them I was the 
man that charge was against, but I was innocent of any 
such thing, and that I had brought it up myself, and some of 
my friends came up with me, without any guard. As yet 
they had not minded my hat ; but now seeing it on, they 
said, for what did I stand with my hat on. I told them I 



1T8 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

did not stand so in any contempt to them. Then they com- 
manded one to take it off; and when they had called for the 
Marshal to the King's Bench, they said to him — ' Yon must 
take this man and secure him, but you must let him have 
a chamber, and not put him among the prisoners.' ' My 
lord,' said the Marshal, ' I have no chamber to put him into, 
my house is so full that I cannot tell where to provide a 
room for him but amongst the prisoners.' ' Nay,' said the 
Judge, '3'ou must not put him amongst the prisoners.' 
But when he still answered that he had no other place to 
put me in, Judge Foster said to me, ' Will you appear to- 
morrow about ten of the clock, at the King's Bench bar in 
Westminster?' I said, 'Yes, if the Lord gives me strength.' 
Then said Judge Foster to the other judge — ' If he says yes 
and promises it, you may take his word !' so I was dismissed 
for that time. 

" Next day I appeared at the King's Bench bar at the 
hour appointed, Robert Withers, Richard Hubberthorn, 
and the Esquire Marsh before-named, going with me. I 
was brought unto the middle of the court, and as soon as 
I was come in, I was moved to look about, and turning to 
the people, said, — ' Peace be among jou.' 

" The charge against me was read openly ; the people 
were moderate, and the judges cool and loving, and the 
Lord's mercy was to them. But when they came to that 
part which said that I and my friends were embroiling the 
nation in blood, and raising a new war, and that I was an 
enemy to the King, &c, they lifted up their hands. Then 
stretching out my arms I said, ' I am the man whom that 
charge is against ; but I am as innocent as a child concern- 
ing the charge, and have never learned any war postures.' 
And said I, ' Do you think if my friends and I had been 
such men as the charge declares, that I would have brought 
it up myself against myself? — or that I should have been 
suffered to come up with only one or two of my own 
friends with me ? Had I been such a man as this charge 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. IT 9 

sets forth, should I not have been guarded up with a troop 
or two of horse ? The sheriff and magistrates of Lanca- 
shire thought fit to let me and my friends come with it 
ourselves, almost two hundred miles without any guard 
at all." 

George Fox required no counsel to plead his cause — 
these plain facts, told in a truthful, straightforward, daunt- 
less spirit, carried conviction along with them, when to 
ascertain the truth was the object of inquiry. Thus he 
proceeds : — 

" Then the judge asked me whether the charge should 
be filed, or what I would do with it ; I answered ' Ye are 
judges and able [I hope] to judge in this matter, therefore 
do with it what ye will, I leave it to you.' Then Judge 
Twisden began to speak some angry words ; I appealed to 
Judge Foster and Judge Mallet, who had heard me over- 
night ; whereupon they said they did not accuse me, for 
they had nothing against me. Then stood up he that was 
called Esquire Marsh, who was of the King's bed-chamber, 
and told the judges it was the King's pleasure that I should 
be set at liberty, seeing no accuser came forward against 
me. Then they asked me whether I would put it to the 
King and Council. I said j T es, with a good will ; where- 
upon they sent the sheriff's return which he had made to 
the habeas corpus, containing the matters charged against 
me in the mittimus to the King, that he might see for 
what I was committed. 

" Upon consideration of the whole matter, the King 
being satisfied of my innocency, commanded his secretary 
to send an order to Judge Mallet for my release, which the 
secretary did thus •--' It is his Majesty's pleasure that you 
give order for the releasing and setting at full liberty the 
person of George Fox, late a prisoner in Lancaster jail, 
and commanded hither by an habeas corpus. And this 



180 THE FELLS OP SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

signification of Ilis Majesty's pleasure shall be your suffi- 
cient warrant. Dated at Whitehall, the 24th of October, 

1660.' 

" l Edward Nicholas. 

" ' For Sir Thomas Mallet, Knight, 

one of the Justices of the King's Bench.' " 

When this order was delivered to Judge Mallet, he sent 
next morning his warrant to the Marshal of the King's 
Bench, for the release of George Fox, which order was 
dated " 25th of October in the year of our Lord 1660." 
The narrative continues — 

" Thus after I had been a prisoner somewhat more than 
twenty weeks, I was freely set at liberty by the King's 
command, the Lord's power having wonderfully wrought 
for the clearing of my innocency ; Porter, who committed 
me, not daring to appear to make good the charge he had 
falsely suggested against me. After it was known I was 
discharged, terror took hold of Justice Porter, for he was 
afraid I would take the advantage of the law against him 
for my wrong imprisonment, and thereby undo him, his 
wife and children. And indeed I was put on by some in 
authority to have made him and the rest examples. But I 
said I would leave them to the Lord ; if the Lord did 
forgive them I should not trouble myself with them." 

The order of Sir Thomas Mallet, for the final liberation 
of George Fox bears the same date as the following letter 
from 

Margaret Fell to her Children at Home. 

London, 25th of 8th mo. {10th mo.), 1660. 

" My dearly beloved lambs and babes, — My love is to 
you all, and my prayer to the Lord is for you all, that with 
His arm and power you may be kept in the bosom of His 
love, there to be nursed and cherished up to eternal life. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 181 

" George Fox is now freed, blessed be the Lord God, 
whose arm and power alone has done it. After he had 
appeared before the judge who had sent for him np, then 
he appeared before the Lord Chief Justice of England in 
bis chamber. The next day he appeared before them all 
in open court, in the King's Bench ; and all this after the 
King had granted out an order to set him free, but they 
would not set him free till he bad appeared in all these 
places, to see if anything would come against him. It was 
of great service for the Truth. 

" I cannot at present write punctually the time of my 
return, for I do feel tbat I am not yet clear of this place, 
but still do wait for the Lord's will and pleasure, and His 
time to be manifested to me ; and I trust you will rest 
satisfied in that — for there is everlasting peace, — and there 
it is you will enjoy me. I do not know how suddenly the 
Lord may give me freedom to come home, but when He 
does I shall embrace it lovingly. 

" Let me hear of tbe little ones, how it is with them all ; 
you mention [but] little of them when 3-ou write, and my 
desire is to hear of you all, and of your well-being in the 
Lord. It may be you have heard, ere this, that James 
Nayler hath finished his natural life, and hath laid down 
his body of earth about three score miles off London. 

" So no more, but my love in the Lord Jesus is with'j'ou ; 
and as soon as the Lord gives me leave I shall return. The 
eternal arm of the Almighty be with you.* 

"M. F." 

The next letter is from the eldest of the sisters, Margaret 
Fell, jun., who accompanied her mother to London. It is 
so short that I am induced to leave it as it stands in the 
original, with the spelling and abbreviations of the day; 
though, generally I have thought it better to modernize the 
spelling of the old letters introduced, and to give words 

* From Barclay's Letters of Early friends. 



182 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

in full, instead of copying the antiquated abbreviations 
common to the 17th century : — 

Margaret Fell, Jun., to her Sisters. 

" Dear Sisters, — My deare love in ye bowels of tender love 
is to you all, hopeing of your wellbeing in ye Lord. My 
Mo. with my Bro. and myselfe are all in health, blessed be 
ye God of all our mercies. Deare G. F. is heare, and also 
verj r well, with several other Friends. 

" Deare hearts, I know my mother's absence may seeme 
long to you, for indeed ye time of her return is prolonged 
more than shee herselfe did expect, but now we are given 
up to ye will of ye Lord in it, and therein have peace. I 
know yt when shee hath the freedom from Him you will 
soon have her wth you at home. 

" My deare love perticularly to Friends of our family, and 
other Friends as you are free. 

" Deare Sisters, farewell, 
" Your truly loving sister, 

"M. F." 

" Pellmell, ye 30th of ye Sth month, 1660. 

"Ye Queen is a coming, and soe my Mo. thinks to see 
her before she [returns home].* 

What follows is written in George Fox's handwriting, 
after the conclusion of the above letter, and is probably in 
reply to messages of affectionate communication from the 
Swarthmoor children to come and pay them another visit 
at the Hall :— 

" D r babes of lif and power, dwell in the lif and power 
and wisdome of God. In that } t ou will enjoy mee as [if I 
were] presant, and feele verity in dominion." 

The following is from Bridget, Margaret Fell's second 
daughter. It is the only letter from her that I have seen : — 

* From the original in the Thwaite Co" lection. 



and their friends. 183 

Bridget Fell to her Mother. 

" Swarthmoor, the 15th of 9th mo., 1660. 

" Dear mother, — Our love salutes thee dearly, with our 
love to dear George Fox and our sister. We are all well 
here, praised be the Lord, and we patiently wait to hear of 
thy return, which would be joy to us ; but in the will of 
the Lord we are satisfied. Friends hereward well. Many 
desire to be remembered to thee. Little as 3'et is acted 
against Friends here, but in Cumberland there are a great 
many in prison for not taking the oath, and four are im- 
prisoned in Kendal. 

" We have received every week a letter from you, and 
desire you not to fail in letting us have the like while you 
sta}\ John Elithorn desired me to acquaint thee that his 
lease is out, which he and Sissons had together, and he hath 
a desire to have it all to himself; he saith he had some such 
grant of thee. Thou may in a Avord signify thy mind about 
this. 

" In haste, I rest thy obedient daughter, 

"Bridget Fell."* 
" For her loving Mother, 

Margaret Fell, at her lodging at the 
Pellmell, London." 



CHAPTER XIV. 

1657—1660. 

Henry Fell — Letters from John Rous to Margaret Fell — 
Henry Fell to Bridget Fell— Henry Fell to Margaret 
Fell. 

Among the letters of sympathy and condolence to Mar- 
garet Fell on the death of her husband, one quoted was 
written in the West Indies by Henry Fell. The family 

* From the original in the Swarthmoor manuscripts of Robert 
Spence, North Shields. 



184 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

history of that individual I have in vain endeavoured to 
trace. From his letters it may be inferred that he was not 
a near relation of the Judge, though a dear and intimate 
friend and neighbour to the Swarthmoor family. He seems 
to have stood in the same position to the Fells of Baycliff 
(or Beckliff), of whom Leonard Fell was the most conspic- 
uous Friend. That he was not their near relative we judge 
merely by the fact, that in writing of them he never calls 
any of them by titles that imply consanguinity. He some- 
times calls Margaret Fell his dear sister, but only in the 
sense which indicates religious unity. He also addresses 
her as one who had kindly watched over and cherished his 
religious growth, one who had been to him a spiritual 
nursing-mother in the infancy of his Christian life. He was 
evidently a man of good education, and had a free command 
of words in which to express his thoughts ; in his feelings 
he was hopeful, benevolent, and courageous ; with a highly- 
devotional spirit. All these qualifications, when sanctified 
in the service of the Lord, were important elements for the 
Christian missionary work. 

From the time of his first acquaintance with the religious 
principles of the Friends. Henry Fell seems to have upheld 
them with conscientious zeal. He was one of the early reli- 
gious labourers in the island of Barbadoes, where he formed 
a cordial intimate friendship with John Rous, son to a 
wealthy planter, Lieutenant-Colonel Rous. John Rous 
also became a minister ; and it is said to have been under 
his preaching that his father was convinced of Friends' 
principles. The father also joined the Society. Those two 
young men in 165t had arranged to pay a visit to New 
England. Their prospect is expressed in the following 
letter : — 

John Rous and Henry Fell to Margaret Fell. 

"Barbadoes, 2Jfth of 3rd mo., 1657. 

" Dear M. F., — Our dear love salutes thee in the Lord 
Jesus Christ, who hath loved us and given himself for us, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 185 

that He might redeem us from all iniquity, and reconcile 
us unto God by the blood of the covenant, and so break 
down the middle -wall of partition, that we, who were afar 
off, are now nigh in Him who hath slain the enmity. 

" We both of us wrote to thee lately by the way of 
Bristol, which we hope thou hast received before this. We 
are still waiting here to get a passage for New England. 
We have not heard anything yet from Anne Burden and 
Mary B^er, who went thither, but every day ships are 
expected from thence. We Avrit to New England, and sent 
some queries thither to priests, and directed them to one 
Russell, who is something moderate. It is like he will 
show them to the priest, and we hope there may be way 
made for our getting thither ere long." 

H. Fell then writes of himself: — "As for mj r return to 
England, I can say little at present (although I could desire 
it if the will of the Lord were so), by reason that New 
England doth so much lie upon us both. Truly our stay 
here is, and hath been serviceable, yet great desires there 
are for going to New England for the seed's sake which 
groans for deliverance. 

" I have taken up here the value of 40 shillings for neces- 
saries — things are very dear in this place, and if we get 
passage to New England there will be more which may be 
mentioned hereafter. Thou may let those forty shillings 
be paid to William Wilson, of the sign of the Pestel and 
Morter in Wood Sti-eet, London, and he must place it to 
the account of Thomas Rous the elder. 

" I am well every way as to the outward, and am pre- 
served safe, though many times I have passed through the 
hands of wicked and unreasonable men, yet their power 
was limited, — praises be unto my Heavenly Father for 
evermore ! 

" Remember my dear love to Margaret Fell, and Bridget 
and Isabel, and Sarah, and the rest of the children. My 



186 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

dear love also to Anne Cleaton, and Mary Askew, and 
George Elletson, and to Richard Wilson. I suppose the 
letter I received from thee was in his writing. Truly though 
far removed from you outwardby, yet am I with you in the 
everlasting covenant of life and light. My love to joxx all 
who are faithful in the Lord I cannot express. And dear 
M.j let tlrv prayer be for us to thy Heavenly Father, that 
we may be kept faithful in the work of the Lord, and that 
our tcstimon3 r we ma}' finish to His praise and glory, whose 
power is made known in weakness ; for when we feel weak 
then are we strong in the Lord, and have nothing to glory 
in of ourselves. Therefore not unto us, but to His name be 
the praise for evermore, for it is His due. 

" Remember my clear love to thy husband, and to thy 
son George Fell, for there is that in them both which my 
soul loveth. 

" So we remain thy dear brethren in the unchangeable 
truth of God, 

John Rous — Henry Fell/'* 

The next letter signifies a change in the plans of Henry 
Fell :— 

John Rous to Margaret Fell. 

" Dearly beloved in the Lord, M. F., — Often in the light 
do I behold thee and am refreshed upon every remem- 
brance of thee. Thou art dear to me as my own life. I 
would greatly desire to see thy face in the flesh, but I see 
no way as 3-et. 

" My dear brother Henry Fell hath freedom to go to 
England, so that when he is gone, there will be no Friend 
in the ministry here beside me. But here are some precious 
Friends whom I know will stand witnesses for God against 
the world. [May] the Lord keep them all to His own 
praise as faithful witnesses for Himself! I wait to get 
passage for Xew England ; the rage of the magistrates there 

* From the original in Devonshire House Collect-on. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 181 

is very great, but many are discontented at their dealings 
with Friends. 

" Henry Fell can at large shew thee how it is with us 
here. Dear sister, pray for me, that I may he kept bold in 
the Lord and declare His will. 

" My love in the Lord salutes thee and all thy family. 
" Farewell. 

" John Rous." 
"Bakbadoes, 22nd 5th mo., 1657. 

About a month after the date of the foregoing letter, 
John Rous sailed for New England. At first he was treated 
with some consideration and respect by the colonial authori- 
ties, in the hope of winning him over from his new friends. 
His father, when formerly in the army, had been stationed 
in New England, and having been very popular there, his 
son would have been received with open arms, had it not 
been for his Quaker proclivities ; but, when his steady 
adherence to Quaker principles had been so unequivocally 
evinced as to leave no hope of his forsaking them, all 
reserve was laid aside, and he was treated with the same 
cruelty others endured, who declined to adopt the religious 
creed of the governing party. With two other Friends, he 
was cast into prison, and with them suffered flogging and 
mutilation, because they would persevere in preaching to 
the New England people, whilst the people continued to 
listen notwithstanding the prohibition of their rulers. 

Whilst John Rous was a prisoner in Boston Jail, he 
wrote as follows : — 

John Rous to Margaret Fell. 

" Dearly beloved Sister, — Whom I honour because of the 
true nobility wherewith the Lord God hath clothed thee, 
though thy face I have not seen in the outward, yet because 
of thy beauty in the Truth, is my heart enlarged towards 
thee beyond what words can express. Often hath it been 
my desire to see thy face in the flesh, though hitherto the 



188 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Father hath riot given me my desire, having service for me 
in these remote countries. I hope when I am clear of this 
land, and have spent some time in Barbadoes, I shall go for 
England, and, as way is made, see thee. The Lord who 
knows in}^ heart knows that I have no greater delight in 
any, than those that nourish in the Truth. I shall rejoice 
when, after my travels and sufferings, the Lord shall bring 
me to see the faces of many whom I have never seen, yet 
whom I love in the Truth. 

" Thy letter, dated in the 12th month, I received the 24th 
of the 6th month, being the day before I was put in here, 
and it was a great refreshment to me ; for I had not, that I 
remember, received a letter from any Friend in England, 
since I received Henry Fell's former letter written from 
London. According to thy desire, I shall now in short give 
thee a relation of some things I have passed through since 
I came into this land. 

"About the last of sixth month, 1657, I came from 
Barbadoes with another Friend, an inhabitant of the island, 
and according to the appointment of the Father, landed 
on Bhode Island in the beginning of the eighth month. 
Being come thither, I heard of the arrival of Friends from 
England." 

The remainder of this letter is chiefly occupied with 
detailed accounts of the imprisonments and the floggings 
which John Rous and the two English Friends had, in con- 
sequence of their preaching, to endure from the authorities 
in the succeeding eleven months. The letter concludes 
thus : — 

" Great have been the sufferings of Friends in this land, 
but generally they suffer with much boldness and courage 
both the spoiling of their goods and the abusing of their 
bodies. There are Friends few or more, almost from one 
end of the land to the other that is inhabited by the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 189 

English. A firm foundation there is here laid, such an one 
as the devil "will never get broken up. 

" If thou art free to "write to me thou may direct thy 
letter to be sent to Barbadoes for me. In that which is 
eternal do I remain thy brother, earnestby thirsting for the 
prosperity and peace of Zion, the city of the living God. 

" John Rous. 
" From a lions' den called 
Boston Prison, this Crd day of the 7th month, 1658." 

A few days after the date of the foregoing, the prisoners 
were again summoned before the Court, and sentenced that 
each should have his right ear cut off; and that barbarous 
sentence, despite their appeal to Cromwell, and to the laws 
of England, was carried out ; on the 17th of the same month 
the prisoners were released. 

After his release from Boston prison in the 7th month, 
1658, we have no letter or other notice in which John Rous 
is mentioned for the following three years and a half, unless 
the J. R. in Alexander Parker's letter of 1659, applies to 
him.* It is probable it does, and that he then enjoyed the 
first opportunity of becoming personally acquainted with 
his Swarthmoor friends, and especially with her who after- 
wards became his wife. In 1661 he was married at Swarth- 
moor Hall, to Margaret Fell, jun. After that event he 
settled in England and became a London West India 
merchant. Being in good circumstances and generous, 
doubtless he was one of those who liberally aided in raising 
funds to support the Friends' missionary work, then going 
on in the Eastern as well as the Western hemisphere. To 
his mother-in-law John Rous proved a true son. Ever 
watchful to promote her interests — in every difficulty aiding 
her by his executive business talents, and sympathizing 
most cordiany w r ith her religious and maternal feelings, he 
was a comfort to her when that son who should especially 
have been so, was not. 

* See Chapter XII. 



]90 THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

We next hear of Henry Fell through that letter to 
Margaret Fell, already quoted, near the close of lG59,when 
he writes to tell her of the outrages committed on Friends 
by General Monk's soldiers.* After the lapse of six months 
we hear of him again through his letter to one of the young 
people at the Hall, written whilst M. F. and M. F., jun., 
were in London. From it we learn that during the interim 
he had been in prison. It is as follows : — 

Henry Fell to Bridget Fell. 

Loxdox, 11th 6th mo., 1660. 

Dear Sister, — In that which is not of this world, but is 
of the Father, doth my love salute thee. By this we have 
been called and gathered out of the world, wherein we had 
our conversation in times past. We were in the friendship 
thereof, but at enrnity with God, and strangers to His 
covenant of promise, and to the life and power into which 
the Lord hath gathered and is gathering all His, where 
they may have fellowship with Him, and with one another. 
This is the relation which is eternal ; in this doth my dear 
love reach unto thee unfeignedly, and to all thy dear sisters 
— children, &c, &c, of my heavenly Father, whose remem- 
brance is precious to me. My love doth also dearly salute 
M. A., and J. P., and the rest of Friends in the family. 

" This may let thee and them know, that I was released 
from my imprisonment [at Thetford, in Norfolk] about ten 
da} r s ago, and so I came to this city two days since, where 
I have been much refreshed in my dear friends, especially 
thy mother and sister, and Wm. Caton,and Thos. Salthouse, 
who came to town yesterday ; but he is gone out of town 
again this day, and so passeth westward (I mean T. S.). 
My dear love, I desire thee to remember me to Leonard 
Fell, and Friends as thou rememberest, and let them know 
that I am well and at liberty ; — glory and praises eternal 

* See Chapter XII, page 165. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 191 

be unto the Lord God of heaven and earth, who worketk 
for the good of those that fear Him ! 

" Dear hearts, truly my love flows forth unto 3^ou, and I 
should be glad to see you (if the Lord so order it) that 
I might have more time with you than I had last, when I 
was with thy sister Isabel and thee. My parting so sud- 
denly with jou. was some cross to me, but it was good for 
me, and for the service of the Truth, which is to be prized 
above all earthly things. May the Lord God Almighty 
everlastingly preserve us, and keep us faithful unto the 
end, and in the end [paper torn]. 

" I am, thy dear brother, in the [torn], 

" Henry Fell." 

A few months later he writes from Aldborough to 
Margaret Fell, then in London : — 

Henry Fell to Margaret Fell. 

"2nd day of 10th mo., 16G0. 

" M. F. — Beloved in the Lord whom my soul honours. 

" Much is in my heart to write to thee, for the love of 
God is as new wine which would have vent, and by which 
I am often so filled that my cup doth overflow. 

" My love also is remembered to dear M. Fell with thee, 
andif this come to thy hand before thou go from London, 
let my love, which cannot be expressed in words, be re- 
membered to my beloved father, George Fox, and also to 
Leonard Fell, and other Friends, as thou art free. 

" This day (being First-day) I am to have a meeting at 
the town of Aldborough, in Suffolk, where I am at present. 
Here is a mighty power stirring amongst the people. The 
Friends in the town came where I lay the last night, and I 
spake a few words amongst them, when man}^ of them were 
much shaken with the power, and cried out. Though there 
was some mixture with it, yet there was true power, which 
I had much unity with. There hath been one William 



192 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Allen, a Friend, with me for the most part ever since I 
came from London, both in Essex and Suffolk and some 
parts of Noi-folk, where we have had very many good and 
precious meetings, very quiet and large, without any oppo- 
sition ; for a great calm there is all the country over ; and 
desires in many are begotten daily after Truth. It is a 
good time to labour while people's spirits are so calm and 
even. 

" William Allen* is to be at Norwich this day at a general 
meeting ; and to-morrow I pass that wa} T , and the. next 
First-day, if the Lord will, to be again at Thetford, and 
afterwards to London; — attending to G. F.'s desire in 
J. S.'s letter to me acquainting me of some likelihood of a 
passage to the East Indies. It is in my heart to see Friends 
in the North if the Lord will, while the ship is getting 
ready." 

All the letters in this chapter are from the original in 
the Devonshire House Collection. 



CHAPTER XV. 

1661-1662. 

Foreign Missions in the West — Italy— Syria — Egypt— Tur- 
key — Friends called for their Support — Henry Fell 
and John Stubbs start for the East — Catherine Evans 
and Sarah Cheevers in the Inquisition at Malta — Mary 
Fisher's Visit to the Emperor of Turkey. 

Some idea may be formed of the extent over which the 
religious missions of the early Friends spread, when we 
read the following opening paragraph of an epistle issued 
by the general national meeting, held at Skipton in Second 
Month, 1660:— 

"Dear Friends and Brethren, — We have certain infor- 
mation from Friends in London of the great work and 

* William Allen was of Earl's Colne, in Essex. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 193 

service of the Lord beyond the seas, in several regions, — 
as in Italy, at Florence, Mantua, Tuscany, and Rome ; in 
Turkey, Jerusalem, France, the Palatine, Geneva, Norway, 
Barbadoes, Bermuda, Antigua, Jamaica, Surinam, and 
Newfoundland. Through all these places Friends have 
passed in the service of the Lord ; and divers other coun- 
tries, places and islands ; and among many nations of the 
Indians, in which they have had service for the Lord: 
through gTeat travails having published His name, and 
declared the everlasting Gospel of peace unto them that 
had been afar off, that they might be brought nigh unto 
God," &c. 

The epistle then recommended that a general collection 
be made in every particular meeting, to be sent "as for- 
merly to London for the service and use aforesaid." 

Whilst Margaret Fell and her daughter remained in 
London, two of their particular friends, with some of whose 
letters the reader is already acquainted, prepared for a 
missionary visit to Eastern Asia. These were John Stubbs 
and Henry Fell. The last sentence quoted in the last 
chapter from Henr} T Fell's letter, refers to that prospect, 
and' the ship in which they expected to sail, via -Cape of 
Good Hope. They obtained a warrant from the King 
authorizing them to have a passage to the East Indies ; but 
the East India company at that early time were so jealous 
of any such visitors to India, that they determined to evade 
the roj'al order, and eventually they succeeded in prevent- 
ing them from having a passage in any of the Company's 
ships. 

George Fox says Henry Fell and John Stubbs "were 
moved to go toward China and Prester John's country," 
and when the ships of the East India company would not 
carry them, they started for Alexandria, in order to go by 
the caravans from thence. I have found the following 
letter from Henry Fell among the Swarthmoor papers at 



194 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Devonshire House, which gives some interesting details of 
their Mediterranean voyage : — 

Henry Fell to Gerrard Roberts. 

" Alicakt Roads, ISih 4th mo., 1661. 

" Dear Brother, — Much I might write concerning the 
largeness of the love of God unto us whom He bath called 
forth in this His service, making us willing to forsake our 
native country and whatsoever was dear to us there. But 
He is even now giving us a blessed reward ; for His presence 
is with us and His love cloth daily refresh our hearts, and 
we want for nothing. We are all well thus far on our way, 
and the master of the ship hath been exceedingly kind and 
loving to us beyond expectation, also the ship's company. 
We were in Malaga Roads, but did not come to an anchor, 
but some Spanish mci-chants came on board, and we deliv- 
ered them that book containing those papers to the King of 
Spain, to the Pope, to the King of France, and the governor 
of Malta ; and they read it, and carried it ashore with them ; 
and likewise here we got some delivered, where we have 
been for two days and more. — Now we are under sail to 
pass away for Leghorn, if the Lord will. 

" I have this further to certify concerning the two women 
Friends, Catherine Evans and. the other, — that they are 
prisoners in the Inquisition in Malta : for this morning we 
spoke with one Captain Harris (he ma}- be the bearer of this), 
who was there, and endeavoured very much to have them 
released, but could not. He saith they took shipping at 
Leghorn in a Dutch ship for Alexandria, and were put 
into Malta by contrary winds, where going ashore they 
dispersed some papers, and thereupon the officers of the 
Inquisition laid hold on them, and confined them, first to 
the Consul's house, till they could hear from Rome, where 
they sent for an order what to do with them, which when 
it came, was that they should be put into the prison of the 
Inquisition, and lie there till they die. At first they were 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 195 

put in together, but after some time they were separated. 
He saith when he was there they had been eight or nine 
months separated, and neither knew whether the other was 
alive or not ; but now he thinks they are together. He 
saith they have been there about twenty months. Captain 
Harris saith he himself did proffer to be bound in a £500 
bond, if they would release them and send them aboard 
his ship ; but the}' would not except he would engage that 
they should never come within the Catholic dominions 
again. He made that offer unknown to the women, — he 
was not given the liberty of seeing them, but the Consul 
(since dead) went in and saw them. They were knitting, 
and he saw them have bread and water allowed them. He 
said he did believe they were in much want, though they 
said they were pretty well and contented, and wished him 
not to be troubled for them. At present there seems little 
likelihood of their releasement. 

" Dear Gerrard, I would desire that thou write to Thomas 
Salthouse, to let him know concerning these two Friends, 
for he and Thomas Murford did write to me and John 
Stubbs to enquire about them. If we hear any further 
respecting them when we get to Leghorn, it is likely we 
may again write. I rest thine in true and unfeigned love, 

" Henry Fell. 

(Addressed) " This to my dear friend Gerrard 
Roberts, a wine cooper, at the 
sign of the Flower de Luce in 
Thomas Apostles, these deliver 
in London." 

Catherine Evans and Sarah Cheevers, who were on their 
way to Palestine when arrested at Malta, remained prisoners 
in the Inquisition about four years. Sewel gives an inter- 
esting account of their treatment, and of their deportment 
whilst thus confined. Ultimately they were liberated, 



196 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

through the interposition of Friends in England with 
persons in authority. 

Before starting on their mission, John Stubbs and Henry 
Fell had provided themselves with religious books and 
tracts for distribution. John. Stubbs was a remarkable 
Oriental scholar; both of them appear to have been well 
versed in Arabic and Hebrew, into which they had trans- 
lated some Friends' books and tracts, which they distrib- 
uted in Alexandria and Cairo.* Syria they had especially 
in view, and also a visit to the churches of Malabar, or, 
as George Fox expresses it, " Prester John's country." 
However, the powers of the earth seemed determined that 
they should have no passage, either by sea or land, to that 
far-off region. The English Consul at Alexandria, fearing 
they would displease the Mohammedan rulers, employed 
all his influence to thwart their object, and refused to give 
them passports — so they returned towards home, passing 
through Turkey, where they distributed many books and 
pamphlets without hindrance, thence over the Continent ; 
and crossing from Holland, they arrived in London early 
in 1GG2. 

The Oriental Christian dynasty of Prester John, and the 
supposed region of its site, Prester John's countiy, so long 
religiously believed in all over Europe, has ceased to be 
spoken of except as one of the myths of the Middle Ages. 
That the colouring given to the Romish romance about 
them was mythical, is very certain ; for it not only repre- 
sented the first Prester John as converted to the Christian 
faith by the spirit of a departed saint that had met him in 
a forest, and conferred on him the title of Presb3'ter, and 
hence that his successors ever after united in their persons 
the offices of king and priest to their people ; yet more, — 
envoys were said to have been sent, some time about the 
12th century, to the Pope at Rome, from the Presbyter 

* See Besse's "Sufferings of the Quakers," vol. 2. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 197 

king, to get instructions about the management of the 
Church; Prester John's country was declared to. be beyond 
Persia, though the exact position was not defined ; but it 
was searched for in vain by Marco Polo and las father in 
the 13th century, as well as. by other travellers, who sought 
for it about the confines of Persia. 

When the Portuguese succeeded in reaching India, in the 
15th century, it was confidently expected that the kingdom 
of Prester John would quickly be discovered, and that both 
king and people would rejoice to meet ambassadors from 
the Pope. But there again disappointment ensued. The 
Portuguese declared no such king or people were to be 
found in or near to Malabar. It was then suggested that 
the country of Prester John must be in Africa, not in Asia 
at all. By degrees the thought gained ground in Protestant 
Europe, that the happy land, its Presbyter king, and.prim- 
itive people, were all Utopian myths. Nevertheless it was 
probable there were some, who having heard a whisper 
about real Malabar Christians, still believed in Prester 
John's country, though the emerald sceptre and all the 
priestly grandeur of its king were given to the winds. 
Had not some information reached them of such a nature, 
Henry Fell and John Stubbs would hardly have stated 
their intentions of visiting that country; and George Fox, 
many 3-ears after, when transcribing his journal, would not 
have been likely to have deliberately repeated it ; but 
Sewel, who wrote still later, does not allude to Prester 
John's country at all. Probably he had adopted the idea, 
by that time infused so generally into the public mind, 
that no such country existed. 

The truth is, that on the arrival of the Portuguese on 
the Malabar coast, they found, near to Goa, a Christian 
people, who claimed to be descended from a church estab- 
lished there by the Apostle Thomas. Their religious books 
were in the S3'riac tongue, though they also spoke the 
language of the country. They acknowledged the Church 



198 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

authority of the patriarch of Antioch, but refused all 
reverence for the Pope or his claims. The Portuguese 
could not hear the idea of these being the representatives 
of Prester John's church and people, seeing they had no 
regard for the authority of the Pope, and differed very 
widely from the forms and practices of the Romish Church. 
Therefore they did their utmost to crush them. The In- 
quisition was established at Goa with peculiar rigour and 
sccrecjr, in order if possible to destroy their books, and 
extirpate those of them who would not turn Romanist. 
A section of these Christians, who were not very near to 
the Portuguese, sought the protection of Mohammedan or 
Hindoo princes, and were thus sheltered from the persecu- 
tion which beset tneir brethren, who became Inquisitorial 
victims. 

The Inquisition was in full force at Goa, in 1808, when 
Claudius Buchanan visited that region. He was the first 
Protestant Christian whom the S3 7 rian Churches of Malabar 
had ever met with or heard of from Europe. They had 
previously regarded all Europeans as Roman Catholics, 
and consequently as enemies to their religion. Buchanan 
undeceived them respecting the faith of the English people, 
and instead of speaking against their religious books,' he 
brought with him some Xew Testaments in the Syriac lan- 
guage, which he left with them. These were the first printed 
copies of the Testament or Bible they had ever seen, all 
thej^ possessed having been written with a pen, and soma 
of them were very old and very beautiful. That these 
were the veritable descendants of that Christian people 
whom Hemy Fell and John Stubbs, so full in faith, gave 
themselves up to search after, and to visit in Christian 
love, there is no reason to doubt. They set us that 
example, and pointed to the way two centuries ago. That 
two hundred }'ears should have been allowed to elapse 
before the importance of sueh a mission was again felt 
among Eriends, is indeed marvellous, but so it is. 



AND TITEIR FRIENDS. 199 

How remarkable, that just two hundred years after 
Henry Fell and John Stubbs had set sail from England, on 
their way to India, which they never reached, two Christian 
Friends from that far-off country arrived in London to 
inquire after the Quaker people, whose books they had been 
reading and whose Christian principles they wished more 
fully to understand ; and our brethren have not been 
inattentive to the call, which has now again directed them 
to the East. ' May the blessing of the Most High go with 
them, and prosper that and future missions of Christian 
love from the Society of Friends in England to the people 
of India. 

The knowledge which John Stubbs possessed of European 
languages, as well as those of the East, had made him an 
important instrument on various occasions of foreign inter- 
course. In 1658, he and Samuel Fisher went to Rome, to 
strive for the liberation of John Perrot, who had been put 
into the Inquisition by papal authority, for attempting to 
spread Quaker principles in Italy. They spent a consider- 
able time in the imperial city on that occasion, and had 
interviews with some of the cardinals, but without effecting 
the immediate liberation of their friend. Instead of that 
they seemed to be in imminent danger of being placed in 
the Inquisition themselves, when it was found they had 
distributed books and pamphlets among the monks and 
friars. Some of the latter confessed the truth of the 
doctrines therein developed, but alleged their fear of being 
burned for heresy, were it known they entertained such 
sentiments. At Venice the}' - mingled with the merchants 
(many of whom were Jews) on the Exchange, and in other 
wa}-s also they obtained much opportunity for conversation 
on religious topics with persons in that city. At Heidel- 
berg, on their return, they were courteously received by 
the Prince Elector Palatine of the Rhine. At the time of 
their interview, he and his nobles were assembled for the 
election of the Emperor. He received their visit in love 



200 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

and expressed his conviction that they spake in love to 
their souls. At their departure they were granted liberty 
for Friends to meet together for religious worship in any 
part of his principality.* 

In Henry Fell's earliest letters from Barbadoes, he 
mentions two women Friends, who had preceded him in 
spreading a knowledge of Friends' principles in the West 
Indies. These were Anne Austin and Mary Fisher ; the 
former an elderly matron, the latter about thirty -two years 
of age, having for the previous three years been a devoted 
preacher in England, and one who had shared in the 
common sufferings inflicted on the Society. She and her 
companion reached Barbadoes the latter part of 1655. 
They brought numerous Friends' books with them, which 
being circulated and carefully read, had made a great im- 
pression throughout the island. Henry Fell says to his 
Swarthmoor correspondent, " Truly Mary Fisher is a 
precious heart, and hath been very serviceable here." She 
went from thence to New England, where she was subjected 
to the cruel persecutions there inflicted on the first Quakers 
by the intolerance that then prevailed. 

In 1660 Mary Fisher believed herself called to visit 
Mahomet IY. Gerrard Croese, who was personally ac- 
quainted with the Court of the Turkish Sultan and its 
surroundings, gives the following graphic account of her 
efforts to obtain the desired interview : 

" This English maiden would not be at rest before she 
went in person to the great Emperor of the Turks, and 
informed him concerning the errors of his religion, and 
the truth of hers. So she goes on board an English ship 
and sails for Smjo-na; when the English Consul at Smyrna 
comes to know her design, he advises her by all means to 

* See "Biographical Memoirs of Friends," by Backhouse and 
Mounsey. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 201 

forbear, but she persists in her resolution. The Consul, 
not enduring that she should expose herself to such great 
hazards, and being unable any other way to divert her from 
her purpose, puts her on board a ship to be conveyed to 
Venice. But after she had sailed as far as the Morea, she 
made the captain put her ashore on the next land. Having 
got her freedom, regardless of the weakness of her sex, of 
being all alone, and ignorant of the way and of the language, 
she still perseveres. That she might avoid the danger of 
falling into the hands of thieves, she travels on foot all along 
the sea-coast of the Morea, Greece, and Macedon, from 
thence over the mountains and craggy places of Romania, 
or Thrace, as far as the River Mariza, when she came to 
Adrianople, where the Emperor did then reside, because 
he was very much hated at Constantinople. There was a 
vast retinue of people attending the Emperor, beside his 
army which lay there, so that there was scarcely room 
enough to contain such a multitude. She was lucky, but 
she did not know it, to alight upon such men who, though 
called Turks, came not short of any other nation in kind- 
ness to strangers, especially the nobler sort of them, which 
I myself have experienced. Yea, and they do so respect 
and esteem womankind, that if any injure them in words 
or actions, he runs in danger of his life. 

" It was very difficult to get near and speak with the 
Emperor, but as nothing is so pleasant as that which is 
hard to be obtained, this maiden tries every way ; she 
looks about her narrowly, traverses backwards and for- 
wards, through many places, till at last she finds one who 
would speak for her to the Grand Tizier, who is the chief 
man in authority, next to the Emperor, and him she 
acquaints that she was an Englishwoman who had some 
good counsel to give the Emperor from the Great God. 
This vizier was Achmet Bassa, very renowned among the 
Turks, because he succeeded his father in that great office, 
which honour none ever before him at'taincd to. The vizier 



SJUiS THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

speaks to the Emperor on the woman's behalf; the Emperor 
grants her liberty to come to him. She came accompanied 
by the Emperor's dragomans, but I could never learn what 
it was she said to him." 

Thus far Croese. Our own historian, Sewel, gives in 
more detail the conversation thnt ensued after the message 
had been delivered to Mahomet. But he, no more than 
Croese, seems to have learned what the message was, that 
the Sultan received. 

The Turkish Emperor having named a time when he 
would receive her, Sewel sa} T s : — "Being come to the 
camp, she was brought before the Sultan, who had his 
great men about him in such manner as he was used to 
admit ambassadors. He asked by his interpreters (whereof 
there were three with him), whether it was true what had 
been told him, that she had something to say to him from 
the Lord God? She answered, ' Yea.' Then he bade her 
speak on. She pausing, and weightily pondering what she 
might say, and he, supposing she might be fearful to utter 
her mind before them all, asked her whether she desired 
that any might go aside before she spake ? She answered, 
1 No.' He then bade her speak the word of the Lord to 
them, and not to fear, for they had good hearts and could 
hear it. He also charged her to speak the word she had 
to say from the Lord, neither more nor less, for they were 
willing to hear it, be it what it would. Then she spoke 
what was upon her mind. 

" The Turks hearkened to her with much gravity till she 
had done, the Sultan asking her whether she had anj^thing 
more to say. She asked him if he understood what she 
had said, and he answered, ' Yes, everjr word ; ' and further 
said, that what she had spoken was truth. Then he desired 
her to stay in that country, saying that they could not but 
respect one who had taken so much pains to come to them 
so far as from England with a message from the Lord God. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 203 

Hj also proffered her a guard to convey her to Constanti- 
nople, whither she intended going. But, not accepting this 
offer, he assured her it "was dangerous travelling alone ? 
especially for such an one as she ; and he wondered she 
had passed safely so far as she had ; adding that it was 
out of respect and kindness to her that he marie the offer, 
that he would not for anything that she should come to the 
least hurt in his dominions. 

" She having no more to say to the Sultan, the others 
asked her what she thought of their prophet Mahomet ? 
She answered, warily, that she knew him not; but Christ, 
the True Prophet, the Son of God, who was the light of the 
world, and enlightened every man coming in the world, 
Him she knew. And concerning Mahomet, she said they 
might judge of him to be true or false, according to the 
words and prophecies he spake ; adding, ' If the word that 
a prophet speaketh come to pass, then shall ye know that 
the Lord hath sent that prophet ; but if it come not to pass, 
then shall 3-e know that the Lord never sent him.' The 
Turks confessed she had spoken truly; and Mary, having 
delivered her message, departed from the camp to Constan- 
tinople, without a guard and without the least hurt or 
scoff. So she safely arrived in England." 

In the year 1662 Mary Fisher was married to William 
Baile}^, a sea-captain, and a preacher and writer of con- 
siderable note among the Friends. 



204 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 



CHAPTER XVI 

1660—1664. 

Margaret Fell to King Charles about the Persecutions — 
Letters to the Queen Dowager — To the Queen of Bohemia 
—To the Princess of Orange — Marriages at Swarthmoor 
Hall — M. F. returns to London — Writes again to the 
King — Letters op Mary Pease — Letters of William Ed- 
mundson. 

When the preliminaries leading to the liberation of 
George Fox from Lancaster jail were put in train, Mar- 
garet Fell, finding that the royal ear was open to her 
appeals, joyfully availed herself of the privilege to lay 
before the King the persecutions against Friends in general. 
She wrote a letter and handed it to the King herself, a few 
days after his coronation, in which she alluded to his Breda 
declaration on liberty of conscience. She entreated him 
to see to its fulfilment ; and not to allow the unjust policy 
of others to turn him aside from what was right in the 
sight of God. She showed to the King how invalid was 
the imposition of oaths, when used to bind men to what is 
contrary to their conscience ; that they who take them do 
not regard such oaths as obliging them to obey in that 
which is opposed to their principles. That such temporizers 
can turn every way with the times, taking the oaths to 
escape suffering, yet feeling no way bound to the King or 
his government ; but that those who, in obedience to God, 
refuse to take any oath, have also a conscience bound to be 
true and faithful to the King's government, and will not for 
any consideration break their word. 

When Charles issued the proclamation for bringing to 
trial those who were instrumental in taking away his 
father's life, she wrote to him again, reminding him how 
the Lord had restored him without shedding of blood, how 
He had quieted the spirits of the people towards him, and 



AND THEIR FfUENDS. 205 

therefore it behoved liim as a Christian and a King thus 
restored, to deal with love and patience, showing mercy, 
not vengeance. She reminded him that the right of ven- 
geance belongeth only unto God, who desires not the death 
of a sinner. She entreated him to consider all this, and 
show himself merciful as in the sight of God, and before 
the whole nation. She said that He who was a just and 
righteous God, had impressed it on her heart to write to 
him, and she entreated him t3 pray the Lord as Solomon 
did, for wisdom and an understanding heart, that would 
enable him rightly to govern the people. She warned him 
as from the Lord, to beware of taking counsel of evil-minded 
men that might counsel to cruelty and shedding of blood ; 
and to beware of giving power into the hands of those 
whose hearts were for revenge. 

After the execution of Major-General Harrison, when the 
fate of the old King's judges who remained was in suspense, 
she made another appeal on their behalf, importuning the 
King to stop further shedding of blood, seeing one man had 
suffered death, that he might pause and triumph rather in 
mercy than in severity. It would now (she said) be most 
honourable were he to stop the current of blood, taking 
example of the mercy and forgiveness of God, beseeching 
him thus to forgive the offenders. She reminded the King 
that those who do not forgive men their trespasses, are 
told that God will not forgive them. She also wrote to the 
judges that had those cases in charge in the same earnest 
Christian spirit, believing herself called of God to do so. 

All the above, and several other communications to the 
King from M. Eell, were received by Charles courteously, 
and delivered to him by the writer herself, who had thus 
frequent opportunities of speaking with him. At length she 
became weary of his fair speeches, that were not followed by 
any important action, especially in reference to tendering 
the oaths where was no real cause to fear the loyalty of the 
individual. She thought that Charles himself was willing 



206 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

to act with justice and consideration towards Friends, if 
he were not restrained from doing so, by his ministers or 
those around him. But she saw that an easy, indolent 
spirit, prevented him from attempting anything for others, 
that was likely to bring trouble with it. She, therefore, 
addressed a letter " to the King and his Privy Council," 
hoping thus to bring before the ministers, as well as the 
Monarch, this appeal, which she entitled : — " The humble 
request of the oppressed people called Quakers." 

After expressing her trust that they would consider, 
before it were too late, the cry of the poor and the oppressed, 
which had entered into the ears of the Lord, she asks, 
" What do you think will become of this nation, if you 
continue to take so many thousands of poor husbandmen 
and tradesmen from their callings in this season of the 
•3'ear, when the} 7 should plow and sow their ground to raise 
food for their families ? Oh 1 consider, lest you bring a 
curse and famine upon the nation by impoverishing so 
many industrious families ! Is it thus you requite the 
Lord for His mercies to 3 7 ou? Think ye His justice can 
pass by such things ? And have we not had the repeated 
word of a king that we might have our own meetings, and 
not be constrained to go to any worship contrary to our 
conscience ? And }^et you have fallen upon us with violence, 
and caused us who are innocent of crime to lose our 
liberties. Is it that your hearts are hardened as Pharaoh's 
was, that so many thousands should be cast into prison for 
maintaining a clear conscience towards God ?-" 

The fanatical ebullition of the Fifth Monarchy men, gave 
a pretext to those who longed for the exercise of power 
and of vengeance on Dissenters, to have most stringent laws 
enforced against all assemblies for worship, save those of 
the English Episcopalian Church. Against no people did 
these enactments bear so severely as against the Quakers ; 
for they feeling, as a matter of conscience, that they should 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 207 

assemble openly to worship God, irrespective of the fear 
of man, in no wise desisted from attending their established 
meetings. 

The outburst of fanaticism among the Fifth Monarchy 
men, and the succeeding persecutions of the Friends, caused 
Margaret Fell greatly to prolong her stay in London, that 
she might aid in ever}' way she could the imprisoned suf- 
ferers. The letter from her daughter in a former chapter, 
dated 30th 8th mo., 1G60, which closes with these words, 
" Ye Queen is a-coming, and soe my mo. thinks to see her 
before she returns home," did not indicate the prolonged 
delay that succeeded. 

"When Queen Henrietta Maria, the King's mother, arrived 
in London, Margaret Fell sought and obtained an audience. 
She delivered to her a letter, and some books explanatory 
of Friends' principles, which she says, " I gave into the 
Queen's own hand," and requested that she would let her 
priests see the books, and expressed a hope that, after 
reading them, they would give Friends a meeting, " but 
they never did.'' 

The ex-Queen of Bohemia, aunt to the King, also arrived 
in London. With this roj'al lady she had an agreeable 
interview ; and the letter Margaret Fell handed to her was 
read whilst she remained ; numbers of the nobility who 
waited on the Queen being present. In it, as in that to 
Queen Ilenrietta, she endeavoured to draw attention to the 
internal work of the Holy Spirit, and the light shed thereby 
in the heart. In these letters, as in some other writings of 
Margaret Fell, there appears at times a want of clearness 
in the form of expression. They are chiefly valuable as 
exhibiting the indefatigable efforts of the writer, to draw 
the heart and conscience of all with whom she came in 
contact, to the Lord. 

That the Bohemian Queen should receive Margaret Fell 
cordially was no matter of surprise. She who had passed 
through the varying scenes of a youth attached to the cause 



208 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

of the Reformation, who had become the wife of a prince 
whose politics were regulated by Christian principle, and 
the widow of a king whose own happiness in life had been 
sacrificed to the defense of the persecuted Protestants of 
Bohemia, was not likely to look with indifference on one 
who was the representative of the persecuted " Friends of 
Truth" in England. 

This deposed Queen was the only daughter of James I. 
She was married to Frederick V., Count Palatine of the 
Rhine, who was but little older than the English princess, 
whose hand he sought when she had only just entered her 
eighteenth jqhy. Her heart responded to his love, and 
they became truly attached to each other. But the ambition 
of her mother, who had expected to see her daughter 
married to the King of Spain, was greatly mortified by the 
prospect of that German alliance. However, the Princess 
Elizabeth was unswerving in her attachment to one whose 
whole mind and religious principles her conscience and 
her heart could accept. In vain did Queen Anne. ridicule 
the prospect and the suitor, contemptuously calling her 
daughter Goody Palsgrave. The young princess met it by 
declaring she would rather be the wife of the Palsgrave 
than the greatest popish queen in Christendom. They were 
married in 1G13. About six years after their marriage, 
Frederick, Prince Palatine, was asked by the Protestant 
people of Bohemia to be their King ; they having revolted 
against the persecutions of Ferdinand of Austria, a cruel 
bigot, whom Matthias, Emperor of Germany, had chosen 
to succeed him in the Kingdom of Bohemia. His intolerant 
cruelty to Protestants prevented the people, who had a right 
to be consulted, from acquiescing in the election of the 
individual thus forced on them. When they appealed to 
Frederick, asking him to be their king, he received their 
request with sorrow aud hesitation. In that juncture, 
whilst he paused, Matthias dying, Ferdinand was elected 
Emperor, and Frederick with the sanction of all the Prot- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 209 

estant States of Germany, was elected King of Bohemia. 
Cut the Emperor, feeling himself dishonoured, resolved to 
punish the Bohemians ; and he called upon Frederick to 
resign the crown they had presented to him. Silence was 
the only response. On the 21st of October, 1G19, Frederick 
and Elizabeth entered Prague, and soon after they were 
settled in the palace their second son was born. He was 
named Rupert, after an old Bohemian hero. Meantime the 
Emperor called on the Roman Catholics to join him in 
stopping the tide of Protestantism ; then was the league of 
the papal powers set in motion, then was unfurled the 
banner of war which floated over Europe for the succeeding 
thirty years. 

When Prague was invested by the Imperial troops, and 
no hope left of successful resistance, Frederick and Elizabeth 
determined to resign the Bohemian crown, and escape from 
the city, if possible, to save the people from the horrors of a 
sack. " It were better," said the noble Queen, when she 
was urged to remain, " that I should be cut off in attempting 
to escape, than that others should be sacrificed in striving 
to defend me." The Prince of Orange invited them to the 
Hague, and there they found a refuge. In the course of 
the war Frederick lost the Palatine State as well as Bohe- 
mia. He died in 1632, long before the "Thirty Years' 
War " terminated, leaving to his widow the care of a young 
disinherited family, to whose education she devoted herself. 
Most of her children became distinguished in the history of 
Europe, and one of her daughters was an artist of extraor- 
dinaiy ability. 

Elizabeth's brother, King Charles I., repeatedly invited 
her to take up her abode in England, which she uniformly 
declined, saying, as the widow of a German prince, she and 
her children should conform to German customs, that no 
matter how ardently she might wish to revisit the home of 
her youth, she must defer it till the way was opened for 
the restoration of her family to their legitimate inheritance 



210 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

in German}-. But, when her nephew had returned to sit on 
the throne of his ancestors, her son, Prince Rupert, came 
over with her to England ; and then, for the first time since 
she had left it, a fair, graceful young bride, she again set 
foot on her native land. During the interim she had known 
enough of religious persecution, to make her abhor its 
exercise in all its phases. She understood what mairy in 
that day did not understand — how vain it was to expect 
any good could result from punishing men for following the 
dictates of their consciences ; and, therefore, she could 
sympathize in heart and soul, with the persecuted " Friends 
of Truth " whom Margaret Fell represented. 

It was only a few months after this interview, that the 
close came to the chequered life of the Bohemian Queen. . 
She died in London of a short illness in the last month of 
the 3'ear 1661. Through her daughter Sophia, who was 
married to the Elector of Hanover, the Hanoverian line of 
princes ascended the English throne. Thus Elizabeth of 
Bohemia is ancestor to our own beloved and honoured 
Queen Victoria. 

The princess of Orange, sister to Charles II., and mother 
to William III. was also at the English court when Margaret 
Fell was in London, and likewise with her did the perse- 
vering Quaker matron make way. The princess gave her 
an interview " in her presence chamber at White Hall," 
and, as she tells us, she delivered into her own hand a letter 
of Christian love and religious exhortation, — alluding to the 
providential dealings of the Lord with her father's children, 
in their preservation when sorely beset with enemies, — and 
expressing the desire that she might partake largely in 
future life of heavenly blessings, and of God's loving care. 
This princess also was a widow, and one whose affectionate 
heart had been pierced to the core by the sufferings and 
sorrows of her relatives, whom she had befriended to the 
utmost. With graceful courtesy she received the letter. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 211 

and conversed for a time with its writer on the circum- 
stances that pressed so heavily on the Friends. 

At length Margaret Fell felt herself at liberty to leave 
London. Nearly a year had elapsed from the date of her 
daughter Bridget's letter — in which she said, " We Avait 
patiently to hear of thy return, which would be joy to us, 
but in the will of the Lord we are satisfied " — ere the 
returning step of that loved mother again crossed the 
threshold of Swarthmoor Hall. After her arrival at home, 
the first circumstance we find alluded to marking the 
progress of events there, is the marriage of Margaret, the 
eldest of the sisters, with John Rous. She had been with 
her mother all the time she was in London, and probably 
accompanied her in the interviews she had with the ro}-al 
ladies before mentioned. It was about three months after 
their return, on the 29th of 11th month, 1661, that Margaret 
was married to John Rous in the meeting at the Hall ; and 
in two months after that event, Bridget, the second sister, 
was married also at Swarthmoor, to John Draper, of 
Headlam in Durham. No allusion whatever have I dis- 
covered to the after-life of Bridget Draper, no comment on 
her marriage, and no record of her death. Margaret and 
Mary each gave the name of Bridget to one of their 
daughters, but that is the only memorial that remains to 
tell us she continued to be loved and honoured. 

In the year 16C2, returns from the meetings of Friends 
throughout England and Wales, showed that between four 
and five thousand of their members were then lying in 
prison, for assembling to worship God according to the 
dictates of their consciences, and for refusing to swear. 
On this being made known to Margaret Fell, she deter- 
mined to repair to London, and make another appeal to 
the unstable monarch. Again she sought an audience with 
the King, and delivered to him at Hampton Court a letter 
from which the following is taken : — 



212 TILE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" King Charles, — Often hath the desire of my heart been 
to God for thee, that thou mightest be preserved out of 
persecuting the saints and people of God : certainly that 
promise thou madest in true simplicity I do believe was in 
thy heart to perform, that thou wouldst give liberty to 
tender consciences ; and I am assured it is upon record in 
the sight of the Lord God, and that thou art bound unto 
Him to perform it. 

" It has been strongly upon my heart once more to give 
thee warning, seeing that merciless men are set to work to 
come into the meetings of God's people, with swords, and 
pistols, and muskets, as if against thieves. Take care 
about these things before* it be too late. You have made 
an act against us, for what cause the Lord knows, we being 
harmless and tender towards you, although our sufferings 
have been great. The Lord hath put power in thy hand 
to see that righteousness and equity are acted in thy 
kingdom ; that thou may not provoke the Lord is the 
desire of my heart, who am a faithful lover of thy soul. 

" M. F." 

The persecution in the metropolis continuing, Margaret 
Fell wrote again to the King, describing what her own eyes 
had witnessed of the unmitigated cruelty of the soldiers 
who had been sent to break up the Friends' meetings. 
Also the abuse, the barbarity, and the profanity they were 
assailed with when dragged into the city courts, and from 
thence thrust into prison. She says, " It was laid upon 
me from the Lord, not to let another day pass nntil I had 
acquainted the King, lest more innocent blood should be 
shed." She adds, " This I gave to his own hand at Hampton 
Court, and shortly after he set our Friends at liberty, but 
their liberty did not long continue." 



Having met with some original letters in the Devonshire 
House collection, from Mary Pease to Margaret Fell, I 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 213 

give them insertion here, as the last of them belongs to 
this period. I know nothing of the history of the writer; 
but her name suggests the probability of her family being 
still represented in the Society of Friends. 

The letters manifest affectionate, earnest feelings, full of 
gratitude and love, to one who had watched over her 
spiritual growth with tender maternal care : — . 

Mary Pease to Margaret Fell. 

" Oh, my dear Mother, — Thy dear love to me is not to 
be forgotten, and the more I think of it the more it taketh 
hold on me. Oh that I might daily more and more walk 
worthy of it ; that so, though outwardly separated, yet 
that I may feel thy love near me and with it be refreshed, 
and grow up in that which is pure and immortal, that the 
God of life may both now and for evermore be glorified. 

" My dear love to my sister Bridget, and to Sarah, and 
to all the rest of the children, and to Mary Askew, and the 
others in the family with thee. My dear love to Elizabeth 
Stubbs, and her daughter remembers her love to her ; we 
got both well to the City — praises be to the Lord for it. 

" Thy obedient daughter I remain, and hope I ever shall 

in any service the Lord shall require of me, 

"Mary Pease. 
"London, Sth 4th mo., 1659.'''' 

Mary Pease to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear Mother, — My love and life are with thee, and I 
cannot but acknowledge that I feel thy love near and clear 
unto me, therefore am I writing to acquaint thee of that 
which the Lord hath ordered for me. If thou read the 
enclosed paper thou wilt understand it, — the which thing 
I saw long before I came to thy house, and when I was 
there it was much upon me. But now, it being more clearly 
manifest, thou should know of it. — And, dear mother, my 
earnest desires are that thy prayers may be for me in what 



214 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

hath already been, or shall hereafter be made manifest, 
that I may be faithful and obedient, that so I may bring 
forth fruit to His honour and glory, who alone is worthy 
of all honour, and all glory, and everlasting praises. 

"And now, dear Mother, as thou finds freedom, I do 
desire a few lines from thee again. My dear love to all 
the children and to all the family, and to Elizabeth Stubbs, 
— her daughter is in health, praises be to the Lord for it." 

The daughter of Mary Stubbs whom Mary Pease men- 
tions in the foregoing letters, probably occupied a situation 
in her family. Mary Stubbs appears to have been the wife 
of John Stubbs, who for a considerable time after quitting 
the army kept a school at Lancaster. In the evenings he 
taught the Latin, Greek and Hebrew languages, to private 
pupils. In after years, when he was often from home in 
the work of the ministry, his family were much befriended 
and tenderly cared for by Margaret Fell. 

The latest letter from Mary Pease was written in 1G63 : — 

Mart Pease to Margaret Pell. 

" Thou art indeed dear unto me ; thy tenderness I can 
never forget, thou hast been unto me as a nursing-mother, 
therefore doth my heart cling unto thee ; and the desire of 
my soul is that I may live in union with thee for ever. And, 
dear heart, let thy prayer be for me that I may still grow 
as a branch of the true vine, and that the fruit I yield may 
be to the glory of our Heavenly Father, for ne is worthy 
to be glorified for ever. Since I parted from thee I had a 
great fall, and very much hurt my arm. It is still ver3 r 
weak, and I have little use of it, and know not whether I 
shall ever have its use as formerly or not ; however, I am 
well satisfied, for the Lord has been with me, and has so 
greatly refreshed me with His sweet consolation, that I 
have had a full reward for my journey, and do not in the 



AND TIIEIR, FRIENDS. 215 

least repent of it. I had written to thee sooner had not 
this accident happened. I would rejoice to hear from thee. 

" My dearest love is to dear George Fox and all thy 
dear children, also to Leonard Fell, and Thos. Salthouse, 
and the rest of the family. So in that love by which I was 
at first drawn unto thee, I rest, and in it desire to remain 
for ever. 

" Mart Pease. 

"London, 20iK of 10 mo., 1663. 

" My dear love to little Rachel : I 
have now sent her the papers." 

Having found some unpublished letters addressed to 
Margaret Fell at different periods by William Edmundson, 
the Quaker apostle of Ireland, which breathe so much of 
the devoted Christian spirit of the writer, I give them a 
place under the conviction that they will be acceptable not 
only to his descendants, but to all who are acquainted with 
his life and religious labours. They are of various dates ; 
but as the latest belongs to 16G4, extracts from them all 
shall be inserted here. 

The first is dated from Lurgan, in the summer of 1G56. 
He addresses Margaret Fell as his spiritual nursing- 
mother ; she must, therefore, have had previous acquaint- 
ance with him, but of which we have no other notice. He 
further says, " In looking at thee, my life is refreshed, and 
my [spiritual] strength renewed,- — thou honoured in the 
Lord ! " " Dear one, pray for me that I may be kept single 
to the Lord, and that all may be overthrown and dashed 
to pieces that would exalt itself— that I may pass on my 
journey with boldness, not fainting in the way. I desire 
my dear love to Richard Waller, James Lankaster, Richard 
Clayton, and to thy precious family with thee, desiring, if 
the Lord will, that I may have an opportunity of seeing 
your faces." 



216 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

The next has no other. date than 1656, being an endorse- 
ment in George Fox's writing : — 

William Edmundson to Margaret Fell. 

" It la} r before me for a long time that I should visit 
Scotland, and about the 15th day of this month I was 
pressed forward to it in spirit. In obedience I went to 
the water-side to Belfast, where I found a boat that was to 
pass over to Glasgow, which is not far from the place my 
drawings were to. But the captain would not carry me 
without a pass ; for they have made a law that none shall 
go out of the North of Ireland unto that nation, unless they 
have a pass from one Couper who rules in the North. I 
went to him, and at first he promised me one, and one for 
another man ; so his man carried them to him to sign. 
But in the meantime he was got up, and considered it was 
against his kingdom, so he gave the other man his pass 
without an examination, but he sent for me to come to him. 
After examining what my occasion was, and Risking me 
many empty questions, he denied me a pass." . 

The next is from Nottingham, 3d of 8th mo. [no more 
of the date can be made out]. 

William Edmundson to Margaret Fell. 

" My very true and tender love salutes thee even in the 
Father's blessed truth and covenant of life and peace, by 
which we are made glad unto salvation, and our strength 
renewed. Dearly salute all thy tender loving children from 
me, for my love is more towards you than I can express. 
The Lord preserve us all in that life in which we may enjoy 
His love. 

" Dear Margaret, since I saw thee I have had many good 
precious meetings, wherein the Lord glorified His Gospel 
with His presence. In many places there is work enough 
for good workmen, and such labourers as seek not their 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 217 

own but the Lord's. The work is so great that it has 
made my journey longer than I did expect ; hut the Lord's 
good presence is with me, blessed be His name, and I am 
very well every way." 

The following letter from William Edmundson to Mar- 
garet Fell, bears date .several years later than any of the 
foregoing. Daring the interim he had removed his home 
from Ulster to Leinster. He wrote from the prison of 
Maryborough, in the Queen's County, not knowing that 
his friend was also then a prisoner : — 

William Edmundson to Margaret Fell. 

Maryborough, 9th of 2nd mo., I664. 

" In the everlasting life which the Lord our God in . 
measure hath brought to light, my love is to thee, dear and 
unfeigned. In it I am often refreshed in [thinking of] 
thee, and in it I ask thee to bear me in remembrance, to let 
me have a place in thy mind continually. 

" As concerning Friends here, I understand there are 
many in prison at Watcrford, Cork, and Limerick, and 
many are fined in great sums of money. But I hear that 
Friends in the North hath their liberty. There are six of 
our Meeting prisoners here, and we are fined for meeting ; 
but it is well with us, for the Lord's presence is with us, 
and His power felt fresh amongst us, whereb3 r we have 
strength to bear all. My brother John is a prisoner with 
me, his dear love is to thee and to [Swarthmoor] Friends. 
I wrote to thee about the time we were taken prisoners, 
but have not received one line from thee for a long time. 
Let not thy heart be shut against me, for I can truly say 
I am with thee in that [spiritual] life in which I desire 
much to see thy face." 

The letter from which the above is taken is thus directed :— 
" This for Margerett Feell at her hous 
at Swarthmoar, in Lankisher, or wher it 
shall meet with her in Enoland." 



218 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

All the originals of the above letters from Wm, Edmund- 
son are in the Devonshire House Collection. 

In 1669 George Fox went to Ireland, and Wm. Edmund- 
son having joined him, they travelled together through the 
provinces where Friends were settled, and established meet- 
ings for discipline amongst them. The first monthly meet- 
ing they organized in Ireland was at Lurgan, in the parlour 
of Roger Webb, where it continued to be held for many 
years. He was one of three brothers who came over from 
Cornwall in Cromwell's time, and was one of those earl} r 
convinced of Friends' principles under the preaching of 
William Edmundson. Another of these Webb brothers 
who also joined the Friends, settled in Cork ; the third took 
up his abode at first in Kilkenny, but finally seems to have 
removed, becoming a landed proprietor in some of the 
more central counties. Neither he nor his family joined 
the religious community to which the other brothers 
attached themselves. Roger Webb is ancestor to all the 
Webbs belonging to the Society of Friends in Dublin. 
The Cork family of Webbs is also now represented in 
Dublin, but not among the Friends. 



CHAPTER XVII. 

16C3— 1684. 

G-eorge Fox taken prisoner at Swarthmoor — His letter to 
Gilbert Latey — Margaret Fell sent to Lancaster Castle 
— Her Trial — Condemnation — Imprisonment— Mart Fell's 
letter to her Mother respecting her interviews with 
King Charles. 

In the summer and the autumn of 1663, Margaret Fell, 
accompanied by one of her daughters and Leonard Fell, 
paid a religious visit to Friends in the South-western, 
Midland, and Northern counties. On reaching her own 
home after that visit was accomplished, she might well 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 219 

have hoped for a prolonged season of peaceful rest. So 
much was concentrated in that home, of the good and the 
beautiful, that it must have been a choice spot indeed, both 
"within and without. But external peace, and rest, and 
pleasant homes, were held by very uncertain tenures in 
those days. Nevertheless, now that she was with her 
" dearly beloved lambs " again, after so much separation, 
with an overflowing thankful heart, she must have felt joy 
and gladness in the consciousness of possessing such 
daughters— her richest earthly treasures, and the brightest 
ornaments of her home ; so devoted as they were to the 
cause of truth and pure religion, so loving, so united, and 
some of them so taleuted and beautiful. 

Our early Friends in their published writings seldom 
make allusions to personal beaut}' ; it is only when other 
fingers than theirs hold the pen, that we occasionally hear 
about the external graces of their women, or the eloquence 
or noble bearing of their men. Of course they were not 
insensible to the aspect of the good and the beautiful ; but 
admiration for appearances, instead of looking through 
operative principles for the mental realities that constitute 
the Christian character, had been carried to such an ex- 
treme, by others around them in the world, that the 
Friends became excessively careful not to follow in that 
common direction. How much too careful and cautious they 
were, or how much too far they went, in acting out their own 
ideas on this other side, or whether or not they were at all 
too cautious, considering the times, we shall not at present 
pause to discuss ; but it is quite clear, that whilst gov- 
erned by such views, they would not be likely to indulge 
in drawing such a graphic picture, either with pen or 
pencil, of the Swarthmoor sisters and their surroundings, 
as we now so much desire to possess. In one instance, 
however, I have met with a few strong words worth 
quoting about the personal appearance and accomplish- 
ments of one of these young ladies. It is from the Dutch 



220 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

author Croesc : when speaking of Sarah Fell he says, 
" She was not only beautiful and lovely to a high degree, 
but wonderfully happy in ingeny and memory. She was 
so stupendously eloquent in discoursing and preaching, 
and so effectual and fervent in her addresses and supplica- 
tions to God, that she ravished all her beholders and 
hearers with admiration and wonder. She applied herself 
to the study of the Hebrew tongue, that she might be 
more prompt and ready in defending and proving her 
doctrine and principles from the Holy Scriptures, and in 
this the progress she made was so great, that she wrote 
books of her religion in that language." 

What Croese says of her great eloquence and her literary 
attainments, especially the writing of books, must have 
applied to a later period of her life. In the beginning of 
16G4 she was only about 21 years of age. She had been 
abroad on that religious visit wkh her mother in the pre- 
ceding autumn, to which allusion has been made. In 
many respects Sarah seemed like a second mother to the 
younger children, and she was soon called on to fill their 
mother's place at the Hall. 

The restoration of the King had not produced all the 
happy consequences at first anticipated by Friends and 
other Dissenters. It is true he wished to be tolerant, and, 
as we have seen, willingly promoted the liberation of 
Friends from prison, whenever he could do so without 
offending his ministers. But his marriage to Catherine of 
Braganza, a Roman Catholic princess, had again brought 
that faith under royal auspices. The mad insurrectionary 
attempt of the Fifth Monarchy men had frightened the 
King ; and the Roman Catholic religion in the palace 
frightened his Parliament and his other Protestant sub- 
jects. Very stringent laws were accordingly made against 
the public exercise of any other form of religious worship 
than the Protestant Episcopal ; and very stringent orders 
were issued, that the oaths of allegiance and supremacy be 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 221 

tendered to all persons -whose loyalty or whose views re- 
garding the Papacy, were doubtful; and in case of refusal 
to take them, there were Acts which decreed that the re- 
cusants be outlawed, imprisoned for life, and all their prop- 
erty confiscated. These laws, in the hands of magistrates 
who entertained sinister designs, or partisan antipathy to 
the Friends, were employed as instruments of bitter perse- 
cution against a people entirely and manifestly innocent of 
the predilections they were professedly designed to crush. 
The prospect of obtaining a confiscation of the Swarth- 
moor property, stimulated the cupidity of some who hoped 
to profit by its distribution. Among these, Margaret Fell's 
neighbour, Colonel Kirby, of Kirby Hall, appears con- 
spicuous. He did not commence by directly assailing the 
widowed lady of Swarthmoor Hall, but he went to work more 
cunningly, by first accusing of disloyalty those men Friends 
who visited there, or assembled in the meeting for worship 
held in her house. The earliest victim was George Fox, 
who details his case in the following letter to a friend in 
London : — ■ 

George Fox to Gilbert Latey.* 

" Dear Gilbert, — Coming out of the south into the north, 
above a year ago, to visit Margaret Fell's house and to 
visit my friends ; as I was passing through Yorkshire, a 
friend told me that the Sheriff of Yorkshire had told Dr. 
Hogson, that there was a plot in the North. When I got 
to Margaret Fell's house I wrote several papers to the 
magistrates against the plot and plotters, to take all 
uneasiness out of their minds concerning me. When I was 
gone from Margaret Fell's, Colonel Kirby sent soldiers to 
search in boxes and trunks for me. When I came again to 
Swarthmoor, a few days after, I went myself to Colonel 

* Gilbert Latey was an influential London merchant who had 
joined the Friends. 



222 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Kirby, to his house, and he said none should meddle with 
Hie if I would staj r at Margaret Fell's, and not have great 
meetings. I said to him, they that m^t at Margaret Fell's 
house were his neighbours, and were peaceable people. 
After some other words we parted. In a few days some 
other magistrates and lieutenants sent for me by a soldier 
to come before them — so I was not taken out of a meeting. 
When I came before them [at Ilolker Hall J they asked me 
if I did not know of the plot — I must needs know of it, else 
how could I write against it ? I said, that I never heard 
of a plot till I came into Yorkshire — that the Sheriff of 
Yorkshire had said to a Friend in that county that there 
was a plot in the North. They [the magistrates] saw that 
this [about the plot] would not do their business. Then 
they put the oath to" me, knowing that I aould not swear 
because Christ and the Apostle forbids it, so they made 
this their snare to send me to prison."* 

However, he was suffered to be out on bail till the assizes 
came round, and the above letter was evidently written 
during that interim. 

Ere long Colonel Kirby made his appearance at the little • 
meeting which continued to be held at Swarthmoor Hall, 
and took down the names of all the men present. That was 
followed in the course of a few days by sending an officer 
to bring Margaret Fell to attend a special meeting of 
magistrates assembled at Ulvcrstonc, which consisted of 
Colonel Kirby, of Kiidry Hall, Justice Fleming, of Eydal, 
and Master Preston, of Holker Hall. They questioned her 
respecting the meetings held at her house, and she was told 
if she did not engage to discontinue them, they would 
tender her the oaths of allegiance and supremacy. " What 
have I done," asked she, " or what has been done or said in 
my house, that you thus bring me here from my own home 

* From a copy, now in the Shackleton Collection, in George 
Fox's handwriting. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 223 

to question me, as if 3-011 doubted my loyalty ?" But they 
soon let her understand that the oath of allegiance would 
not be teudered if she would consent to have the Friends' 
meetings at the Hall discontinued. To this she replied, 
that whilst it pleased the Lord to let her have a house, she 
would in spirit and in truth endeavour to worship Him 
therein. Then the oath was read and tendered, which she 
refused on the ground that she could not take an oath of 
any kind, because the Lord Jesus had forbidden all swearing. 
The magistrates then had a mittimus made out, and forth- 
with committed her to Lancaster Castle for trial at the 
ensuing assizes. 

Some months elapsed before the assizes came round, 
during which time she remained in prison. 

It was near the close of the year 1663 that Margaret 
Fell was brought to trial. She made her appearance at 
the bar accompanied by her four daughters. The judge 
ordered the jailor to bring " a cushioned seat for Mistress 
Fell ;" seeing the young ladies, he added, " Let not Mistress 
Fell's daughters stand at the bar ; let them come up hither, 
they shall not stand at the bar." So the four sisters were 
seated near the Judge. After a while the mittimus was 
read, and when the Judge commenced speaking to her 
case, Marga:et Fell stood up. 

He said, " Mistress Fell, you are committed by the 
justices of peace for refusing to take the oath of allegiance, 
and I am commanded and sent by the King to tender it to 
an}' that would refuse it." 

M. Fell. — " I was sent for from my own house and family, 
but for what cause or transgression I did not know." 

Judge. — " I am informed by the justices of peace in this 
county that you keep multitudes of people at your house 
in pretense to worship God, and it may be that you 
worship Him in part ; we are not to dispute that." 

M. F. — " I have the King's word, from his own mouth, 
that he would not hinder me of my religion. ' God forbid,' 



224 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

(said he), 'that I should hinder you of your religion, 3-011 
may keep it in your own house.' And I appeal to all the 
country, whether those that meet at my house be not a 
peaceable, quiet, godly, honest people, and whether there 
hath ever been any just occasion of offense given by the 
meeting kept in my house !" 

Judge. — " If you will give security, Mistress Fell, that 
you will have no more meetings, I will not tender the oath 
to you. You think if there be no fighting, no quarrelling 
among you, that you keep the peace and break no law, but 
I tell you that you are a breaker of the law by keeping 
unlawful meetings. And again, you break the law in that 
you will not take the oath of allegiance." 

31. F. — '' I desire I may have liberty to answer those two 
things which are charged against me. First, that which is 
matter of fact — our meetings. There are several of my 
neighbours who are of the same faith and principles that I 
am of, and these are they that meet at my house. I cannot 
shut my doors against them." 

Judge. — " Mistress, you begin at the wrong end, for the 
first is the oath." 

31. F. — " I had supposed the first occasion of tendering 
the oath was because of the meeting ; but as for that, if I 
have begun at the wrong end I shall begin now at the other. 
As to the oath, the substance of which is allegiance to the 
King, this I shall say for my allegiance, that I love, own, 
and honour the King, and desire his peace and welfare; 
and that we may live a peaceable, a quiet, and a godly life 
under his government according to the Scriptures. But 
as for the oath itself, Christ Jesus, the King of kings, hath 
commanded me not to swear at all, neither by heaven, nor 
by earth nor by any other oath." 

Then the judge demanded the statute-book to be brought 
and had the Grand Jury called over. One of the justices 
that had committed the prisoner said, "Mistress Fell, you 
know that before we tendered the oath to you, we offered 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 225 

that if you would put iu security to have no more meetings 
at your house we would not tender the oath?" 

M. F.— u I shall not deny that." 

Judge. — " If you will 3 T et put in security that you will 
hare no more meetings I will not tender the oath to you." 

M. F. — " I would speak to the Judge and the Court and 
the rest of the people on this question. You all here profess 
to be Christians, and likewise you profess the Scriptures 
to he your rule [of faith and conduct]. Jesu9 Christ hath 
left upon record in the Scriptures that God is a Spirit, and 
that His worship is to be in Spirit and iu Truth, and that 
He seeketh such worship. In this spirit, I, and these that 
meet at my house worship God, in obedience to Christ's 
doctrine and commands. The same Christ Jesus hath 
commanded me not to swear at all. For obedience to His 
commands am I here arraigned this day." 

Judge. — "You are not here for obedience to Christ's 
commands, but for keeping of unlawful meetings." 

31. F. — " What law have I broken by worshipping God 
in my own house ?" 

Judge. — " The common law." 

31. F. — "I thought you had proceeded by a statute." 

Then the sheriff whispered to him, mentioniug the statute 
of 35th of Elizabeth. 

Judge. — " I could tell you of a law, but it is too penal for 
you. It might cost 3'ou.3our life." 

31. F. — " I must offer my life and all, for nry testimony, if 
it be required of me." 

Then the latter part of the statute was read, and the Judge 
informed the jury and the prisoner concerning the penalty 
upon refusal. It would be the forfeiture of all estate, real 
and personal, and imprisonment during life. 

31. F. — " I am a widow, and my estate is a dowry, and I 
have five children un preferred. If the King's pleasure be 
to take my estate from me on account of my conscience, 
and not for any evil I have done, let him do as he pleaseth. 



226 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

And I desire that I may speak further to the jury of the 
occasion of my being here." 

Judge. — " The jury is to hear nothing hut me tendering 
yon the oath, and hear you refuse it, or take it.'' 

" You will surely let me have the libert}' other prisoners 
have?" replied Margaret Fell, turning and addressing the 
jury, and entering at a greater length into the subject of 
"worship, oaths, and obedience to God. Then, in relation to 
the law on Avhich she was tried, she said, " You are to con- 
sider this statute, what it was made for, and for whom. It 
was made to manifest who were Papists, and the oath was 
to test allegiance to the King. Now let 3 r our consciences 
judge if we be the people it was made for who for conscience' 
sake cannot swear at all." 

The judge at length growing impatient said she had " an 
everlasting tongue," and why should she thus draw the 
whole Court after her. Then he cried out, while she was 
speaking " Will you take the oath or no, Mistress Fell?" 

31. F. — " I have already said, I own allegiance and 
obedience to the King in his just and lawful commands. 
But I do also own allegiance and obedience unto Christ 
Jesus, who is King of kings, and he hath commanded me 
not to swear at all." 

Judge. — " That is no answer. Will you take the oath or 
will you not ?" 

M. F. — " If you should ask me ever so often I must 
answer to you that the reason why I cannot take it, is 
because Christ hath commanded me not to swear at all ; and 
I owe my first allegiance and obedience unto Him. Jesus 
Christ is King of my conscience." 

Then the clerk held out the book and bid her pull off her 
glove, and lay her hand on the Bible. 

31. F. — " I never laid my hand on the Book to swear in 
all my life ; I was never at any assizes before this, but I 
bless the Lord that I am here this day, on this account, to 
bear testimony to the. Truth." When she would not extend 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 227 

her hand to the Bible to swear, the Judge asked once more 
if she would give security that she would have no more 
meetings ? she replied, " Nay, I can give no security ; I have 
spoken enough on that." 

Then the Judge said to the officers, " Take her away." 
So they took her civilly away.* 

Thus ended the first day of Margaret Fell's trial, which 
commenced on the 14th of 12th mo. (old style), 1663. 

On the 16th she was again called to the bar, and Judge 
Twisden opened the case by addressing her thus : — ■ 

" Mistress Fell, you stand here indicted by the statute, 
because you will nOt take the oath of allegiance ; and I am 
here to inform you what the law provides for you in such 
a case." The Judge then explained the three courses that 
were open to her. She asked his advice as to which she 
had best adopt, informing him that her desire was to have 
sufficient time to communicate fully with the King on the 
subject. The Judge said he would advise her to traverse, 
and then she could apply to the King before next assizes. 
After a lengthened conversation on some points that arose, 
he s.;id, " You may inform the King in half a }-ear's time. 
So now let us have your frienclf called up, and if you will 
put in bail you may go home and have your liberty till next 
assizes ; but you must not have such frequent meetings." 

To discontinue any of the meetings held at her house for 
Divine worship, Margaret Fell regarded as unfaithfulness 
to Almighty God ; therefore she could not accept her liberty 
on the understanding that those meetings would be less 
frequent. She replied that rather than accept her liberty 
with that restriction, she would prefer remaining in prison 
till the assizes arrived. " I must keep my conscience clear," 
said she, "however I may suffer." And so this worthy 

* The above and succeeding details were taken down in court by 
a reporter, and afterwards corrected by M. F. herself. 

f The Friend alluded to was George Fox whose trial succeeded 
that of M. F. 



228 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

daughter of Anne Askew returned to take her place within 
the gloomy old walls of the castle prison. 

Meanwhile the children of that devoted mother, true to 
the example she had set them, true to the principles she had 
taught them, to serve and obey God, trusting in His pro- 
tecting arm, and undismayed by worldly denunciations, 
continued to keep up the meeting of Friends at the Hall. 
Sarah sometimes spoke in those meetings ; and very affecting, 
we can have no doubt, as well as edifying and consolatory, 
were her utterances to the stripped but faithful band, who 
continued to assemble there, week by week, to worship God 
under that same roof, and amid every discouragement, from 
whence their fathers, husbands, and other natural protectors, 
had been dragged off to prison. 

During the interim before the next assizes, the two sisters 
who were in London (Mary being on a visit with her sister 
Rous), having persevered till successful in obtaining access 
to the King, exerted themselves by personal appeals, in 
endeavouring to procure their beloved mother's release. 
King Charles seemed pleased with their visits, and evidently 
enjoyed the earnestness with which the two young Quaker 
ladies pleaded on behalf of their mother and her imprisoned 
Friends. We may now doubt whether his feeling went any 
deeper, but at the time, his courtesy gave some hope of 
justice and real generosity from him ; and they were encour- 
aged to call again and again at the palace. The following 
letter from Mary, then about twenty years of age, gives a 
good idea of the easy superficial kindliness of that debonair 
monarch : — 

" Mile-^nd Green, near London, 

2 7th of 4th mo. (6th mo.) IGG4. 

" Endeared and tender-hearted mother, — My duty and 
very dear love is freely given unto thee, as also my very 
dear love to dear George Fox. 

" This is chiefly to let thee understand that sister and I 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 229 

were at "Whitehall yesterday, where we spake to the King, 
and told him that if he would please to signify something 
to the judges before they went their circuit to release you, 
otherwise it would be late, for the time of the assizes drew 
near. He said he would release you, if we would promise 
you would not go to meetings. Sister said we could make 
no such engagements, for the meeting hath been kept many 
years, and never hath done any harm. He said, " Cannot 
your mother keep within her own family, as she may have 
five present, but she must have such tumultuous meetings ? ' 
We said she had no such meetings ; they are only her 
neighbours that come. 

" The King said, there were some Quakers in the last plot. 
Sister said that could not be proved. He said he had letters 
about it, and the names. So Chifines (the King's favourite 
page) bid us come on the Fourth-daj^, and we do intend to 
go to-morrow. When there, about a week since, I told the 
King that now the assizes drew very near, if he did not do 
something for thee soon, they would run thee into pre- 
munire, and get thy estate from thee and from thy children ; 
and I requested him to take it into consideration. He was 
then very loving to me, and said he would take it into 
consideration, and added, ' They shall not have her estate 
from her.' He took me by the hand as soon as he came 
near me. I also spoke to Prince Rupert, and asked him to 
put the King in mind of it ; and he said he would do what 
he could in it ; and then went to the King, and spoke to him. 
Prince Rupert hath always been very loving to Friends, and 
hath often spoken to the King about you. 

" Sister gives the renewed remembrance of her entire love 
to thee and Gr. F., as also doth my brother. I suppose 
sisters Isabel and Sarah will be gone. Remember me to 
sisters Susanna and Rachel. 

" I am thy dutiful and obedient daughter, 

" Mary Fell." 



230 THE PELLS OP SWABTHMOOR HALL, 

Whilst the King was thus amusing himself, listening to 
the touching appeals and trifling with the feelings of the 
daughters of that admirable mother, the Parliament was 
busy preparing an Act to secure more easily the punishment 
of all who, like her, would dare to absent themselves from 
the assemblies of the Established Church. That Act against 
conventicles, after having received the royal sanction, 
despite the declaration from Breda, came into operation 
just about a month after the date of the foregoing letter. 
It was to continue in force for three years, and it decreed 
that " If any person above sixteen years of age were con- 
victed of being present at any meeting or conventicle, 
under colour or pretense of any exercise of religion, in 
other manner than is allowed by the liturgy of the Church of 
England, he should be fined five pounds ; or, if he has no 
property, be imprisoned three months. For the second 
offense ten pounds, or six months' imprisonment ; and for a 
third offense to be transported for seven years ; the of- 
fender's goods to be distrained for expenses of transporta- 
tion. In each case one-third of the fine to go to the 
informer." 

How great were the sufferings of the Friends in every 
part of the United Kingdom, where intolerant churchmen 
and avaricious informers were to be found, after the pass- 
ing of the most cruel Act, would be harrowing to relate. 
However, these dauntless reformers could not be deterred 
from assembling to worship God according to their con- 
sciences, from the fear of punishment, therefore the prisons" 
were soon crowded with Quakers. 

It is not probable that the King likad the new Act ; but 
the needy monarch felt that he must either curtail his 
expenses, or sacrifice all minor considerations to the wishes 
of those who held the purse-strings of the nation. So his 
word of promise about liberty of conscience went for 
nothing, when set against his debts, his pleasures, and his 
other necessities. 



AND THEIR FRTENDS. 231 

Seeing no result but fair words from the appeals of the 
sisters to the King, George Fox and Margaret Fell wrote 
a statement of their cases, and that of other Friends con- 
fined in Lancaster Castle, and sent it to Gilbert Late}', in 
London, for presentation, before the approaching assizes, 
both to the King and to the Lord Chancellor. The Con- 
venticle Act did not apply to them, as it was not in exist- 
ence when they were imprisoned. George Fox had been 
treated with especial cruelty, at the instigation of Colonel 
Kirby, having been kept during the winter in solitary con- 
finement in a miserable cell in the castle, with unglazed 
apertures for the admission of light, whilst awaiting his 
trial. He therefore wrote some strong representations of 
the cruelty of his treatment, and of the illegality of the 
preliminary proceeding of the magistrates towards persons 
who were not disloyal, and had committed no disloyalty or 
breach of the law. The original of Gilbert Latey's reply, 
as follows, is still in existence :— 

Lokdon, 1st of 7th mo. (September), 1664 

" Dear G. F. and M. F., — Whom I unfeignedly love and 
dearly salute, these are to let you know that I have received 
your letter, and George Whitehead (who has been released) 
drew me up the heads of it in a very good manner, and I 
carried it to the Lord Albany as directed. He had been 
sick of late, and not very well when I came to him. I told 
him my business, and from whom it came ; so when he had 
heard me what I had to say, this to me was his answer : 
41 That all was shut up, and nothing could be done, and 
that neither the King nor Chancellor would do anything 
at all for us. Neither could any man be heard to speak for 
us. Then I told him of the unjustness of thy imprisonment 
[G. F.'s] and of the badness of the jury, and its being con- 
trary to law, and that thou desired nothing but a [decent 
prison, and a") fair trial ; that the thieves and murderers had 
more liberty than thee ; that thou wast locked up in a bad 



232 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

room, and Friends not suffered to come to speak to thee; 
and I told him I had a paper of it, and desired him that he 
would hand it. He told me he was sorry with all his heart, 
but he would tell me no lie ; he was sure nothing could be 
done, and he believed they did it on purpose to vex us. 
So I parted with him, as he said he could do nothing, for 
all the clergy were against us, therefore nothing could be 
done at all. Neither did he care to meddle with the paper; 
so I was fain to leave him. 

" George Whitehead was a saying it might be well, if we 
knew the judge who promised thee more liberty, that some 
might speak to him of it, and see if he would do anything 
in it. 

" So with my dear love to thee and dear Margaret Fell, 
and John Stubbs and the rest of Friends in prison, 
" I remain, thy assured friend, 

" Gilbert Latey." 

The assizes having commenced, the trial of the Friends 
was resumed, by Margaret Fell being called to the bar 
before Judge Turner, and the indictment being read, the 
Judge addressed the prisoner thus : — 

" Come, Mistress Fell, will you take the oath ? " She 
answered, that the indictment declared the churchwardens 
had given information against her, on which information 
the indictment was founded. " I desire to know," said she, 
" what that information was, and what the transgression 
was by which I came under this law." 

Judge. — a Mistress Fell, you are here indicted, and you 
are here to answer, and to plead to your indictment." 

31. F. — " I am first to seek out the cause wherefore I am 
indicted. The law is made for the lawless and transgres- 
sor, and except I be a transgressor, you have no law against 
me, neither ought you to have indicted me. ' My question 
is, of what matter of fact did the churchwardens inform? 
I was sent for and taken from my own house, from 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 233 

amongst my children and family, when I was abont my 
outward occasions, and when I was in no meeting, neither 
was it a meeting-dii}\ If I he a transgressor let me know 
wherein." 

Judge. — " Yon say well, the law is made for transgressors. 
But, Mistress Fell, do you go to church ?" 

M. F.— u I do go to church." 

Judge.— 1 '- What church ?" 

M. F— u To the church of Christ." 

Judge. — " But do 3-011 go to church amongst other people ? 
You know what I mean." 

M. F. — What dost thou call a church ; the house or the 
people ? The house, ye all know, is wood and stone ; hut 
if thou call the people a church, to that I shall answer. As 
for the Church of England, that now is, I was gathered unto 
the Lord's Truth, for which I now stand a witness, and 
which Truth existed before the Church of England was a 
church. I was separated from the general [mode of] wor- 
ship in the nation, when there was another power up than 
that which now is, and I was persecuted by that power 
which then was ; and would you have us now to deny our 
faith, for which we have suffered so many years, and turn 
to your Church, contrary to our consciences ?" 

Judge. — " We spend time talking about these things, 
come to the matter in hand ; what say you to the oath, and 
to the indictment ?" 

M. F. — "I say this to the oath, as I have said in this 
place before, Christ Jesus hath commanded me not to swear 
at all, and that is the only cause why I cannot take your 
oath, as the righteous Judge of heaven and earth knows. 
And this I do testify unto you here, where the Lord's eye 
beholds us nil, that for the matter or substance of the oath, 
and the end for which it was intended, I do own truth, 
faithfulness and obedience to the King in all his just and 
lawful demands and commands ; and the same power, and 
by virtue of the same Word, which hath commanded me 



234 TDE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

not to swear at all, the same doth bind me in my conscience 
that I can no more plot nor contrive against King Charles, 
than I can disobey Christ Jesus his commands. I do also 
deny all Popish supremacy. 

" I do not refuse taking this oath only because it is an 
oath of allegiance. I refuse because it is an oalh y seeing 
Christ Jesus hath said, ' Swear not at all, neither by heaven, 
nor by earth, nor by any other oath.' If I might gain the 
whole world for swearing an oath, I could not ; and what- 
ever I have to lose this day for not swearing, I am willing 
to offer it up." 

Judge. — " What sa3 r j-ou to the indictment ?" 

31. F. — " What should I say ? I am clear and innocent 
of wronging any man upon earth, as is my little child that 
stands by me here." (She had Rachel by the hand.) " If 
any have ought to lay to my charge, let them come forward 
and testify to it here before you all. But if I be clear and 
innocent, you have no law against me. You have work 
enough to do without meddling with the innocent, and 
them that fear the Lord." 

A pause ensued. Colonel Kirby, who sat near the Judge, 
leaned over and whispered to him ; the Sheriff did the same. 
The prisoner fixed her eyes on Kirby and said, " No 
whispering; I should not have so many judges. If thou 
hast an}- thing, Colonel Kirby, to lay to my charge, come 
down here and testify against me. Here is one Judge 
[who has a right to judge the case] he represents the 
King's person and his power, and that I own." " No, 
Mistress Fell," said the Judge, recognizing the impropriety 
of their whispers, " I will not heed them." He then desired 
the Jury to take notice that the prisoner refused the oath 
of allegiance. 

Margaret Fell spoke again ; when she paused, the Judge 
said to the Jury, — " Are you all agreed ?" They replied in 
the affirmative. "For whom have you found it?" "For 
the Kin£. " 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 235 

" Then I spake to the Judge," says M. F.," and told him 
I had counsel to plead to my indictment. He said he 
would hear them afterwards, in arrest of judgment. So 
the Court broke up at that time." " As I was stepping 
down to go my way, the Judge called me back again, and 
said : — ' Mistress Fell, you wrote to me concerning the 
prisons that they are bad and let rain in, and are not fit 
for people to lie in. I spoke to the Sheriff of it, and the 
Sheriff said he did not know.' I answered, 'the Sheriff 
did know, and hath been told of it several times, — now it 
is raining, and if j^ou will send to see at this present moment 
you may know whether they are fit for an 3* people to lie 
in or not.' Colonel Kirby stood up and spake to the 
Judge to excuse the Sheriff, and the badness of the room. 
I spake to him and said, " If you were to lie in it yourselves 
[Kirby and the Sheriff], you would think it hard ; but your 
minds are in cruelty — William Kirby here hath committed 
ten of our Friends, and put them into a cold room with 
nothing but bare boards to lie on, where they have lain 
several nights, some of them ancient men above threescore 
years of age, and known to be honest men — yet they were 
not even given liberty to shift for themselves for beds.' 
Then the Judge spake to them and said they should let them 
have prisons fit for men, with several more such-like words." 

Twice more Margaret Fell appeared at the bar, and her 
lawyers pleaded, but all in vain. On the 21st of September 
1664, Judge Turner passed sentence of premunire against 
her, by which she was outlawed — condemned to imprison- 
ment for life, and all her property, personal and real, was 
confiscated to the Crown. But neither faith nor courage 
forsook her in that period of extremit}' ; looking back on it 
long after she said, ' The Great God of heaven and earth 
supported my spirit under that severe sentence, so that I 
was not terrified, but gave Judge Turner this answer: 
; Although I am out of the King's protection, I am not out 
of the protection of the Almighty God." 



286 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

With the prospect before her of the confiscation of all 
her property and the sentence of imprisonment for life, that 
widowed mother retired from the Court. Pressing her 
youngest little darling to her heart, she commended her to 
the care of the Lord ; and taking an affectionate leave of 
her other beloved children with the assurance that God 
would watch over them for good, she returned to her damp, 
gloomy prison. But even there the light of the Divine 
presence shone around her ; peace and comfort from the 
Most High filled her soul. She rested under the conviction 
that the Lord in His own time would bring light out of 
darkness, good out of evil, — and that her suffering would 
eventually bear fruit to His praise. 



CHAPTER XVIII. 

16G4— 1GG5. 
Family Letters— Persecutions— Imprisonments — Transpor- 
tations — The Plague in London — The Pestilence in the 
Prisons — The Black Eagle and its Victims — Morgan Wat- 
kin's Letter to Margaret Fell on the subsidence op the 
Pestilence. 

The following letter, written two months after the sen- 
tence of premunire was confirmed against Margaret Tell, 
alludes to very critical family affairs. 

John Rous to Margaret Fell. 

"Mile-end, 21st 9th mo. (November) I664. 
" Dear Mother, — My very true and fervent love is hereby 
given, and very dearly remembered to thee, with dear Gr. F. 
& my sister Rachel. Thy letter to my sister Mary, by 
last post, we received. I was once with my sister, to speak 
with my brother Fell, but he was not at home, and since, I 
was there and carried thy letter to him, and then they said 
he was gone to Whitehall : we have not seen him now for 
about a fortnight, and so know not what he hath done, nor 
how far he hath proceeded ; but I spoke with Thomas 



AND TlIElil FRIENDS. 237 

Speed, -who was last week with him at Whitehall, where he 
searched the record where all such things, if they are given 
away, are entered, and T. S. told me they could not find 
that it was then granted to any one. My sister told me 
my brother was with Col. Kirby and that he was very 
courteous to him, but it is well known what his fair words 
come to. I forgot in my last to give thee an account of 
what I had done about the £36 my brother was to pay 
Robt. Pring. I, perceiving that my brother was in a great 
strait about the money and knew not where to get it, and 
that the non-payment of it would turn much to his discredit, 
upon his promise to repay it me in a month, I told Robt. 
Pring I would see him satisfied ; this I did before I received 
thy first letter about it, and before I saw thy last to my 
sister Mary I had paid the money. I was not willing to 
drive it off long after I had past my word for it, lest Robt. 
Tring should have any hard thoughts concerning me for 
not paying it, and so when rents come in I would desire 
thee to reserve so much for me, lest my brother when he 
come down dispose of it otherwise, which would turn my 
kindness to him into a prejudice to nryself. When I have 
an answer to my last to thee I may write further to that 
business, not having much at present to write, only last 
week I received a letter from P. Evans, wherein was 
inclosed one to thee, which I do not judge worth paying 
postage for so far, nor woivh troubling thee with, but this 
I perceive by his letter, they were all much troubled at 
thine, and he thinks it may be much prejudice to me for 
he thus writes, ' I desire thee by the next to write to thy 
father and mother and excuse thyself in this matter, for I 
perceive the thing may work much to thy prej udice else, and 
thy father will not sign the bond, neither will there be need 
for thee to press it either in relation to thyself or wife, for 
I perceive his intentions are clear concerning thee without 
such things.' I cm well satisfied concerning his intentions 
toward me while I live, but my desire is to get the bond 



238 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

signed, that if I should die my wife or children, if the 
Lord please to give me any, may not suffer, but I think 
it may he well to forbear ui'gjng it till their spirits are 
more down, and in the meantime, if my signing a bond 
may do any good, I shall be very willing, and shall after 
awhile as opportunity may offer write to my father to 
sign that, but I perceive that the greatness of the obliga- 
tion, being £20,000, is something stumbled at, so that if 
thou think fit it be £10,000, or £12,000, which it may be, 
will not be so much looked at, I shall be willing to do 
what may be thought necessary for me to do, for I would 
not have an} r thing wanting to secure to my wife that 
which is already granted her ; for I look upon it she very 
well deserves it if it had been more. My wife received 
G. F.'s dear lines, which I forgot to mention in my last, 
being taken up so much with that business. There were 
about 50 taken from the Bull and Mouth yesterday, and 
about 18 from Mile-end. My wife and sister are both, well, 
and remember their dear love to thee and G. F. There is 
great expectation of a war with the Dutch, and many 
ships are a fitting for it. This with my dear love to thee 
is all at present from 

" Thy dear son, 




" John Rous) d-ffnn J^Ur^ 



" I had this day a letter from my brother Yeamans, and 
they are both well. Thy letter to my brother and sister 
Yeamans I sent by the post last Tth day."* 

(Directed) " For Margaret Fell this. 

(Seal.) 
" Leave this with Thomas Green, 
Grocer, in Lancaster." 





* From the original in the possession of John Abraham, Liverpool. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 239 

The above remark about " brother Yeamans" is the first 
indication in any of the letters we have of Isabel's mar- 
riage to Win. Yeamans, which took place in the summer of 
1664. 

By the forepart of the letter we see the Fells were anxiously 
watching, if the confiscation were followed hy the grant of 
Swarthmoor Hall to any of those virulent persecutors, who 
no doubt had their eye upon it, but in this one particular, 
the King had kept his promise so far. Still they felt by no 
means secure, for they well knew that at any future day he 
might assign over all Margaret Fell's property, personal 
and real, to whomsoever he chose. 

It seems to have been very soon, almost immediately, 
after the despatch of that letter from John Rous, that Mary, 
who was still on a visit with her sister in London, became 
extremely ill. The nature of her disease is not stated in 
the only communication which alludes to it ; but we know 
the metropolis was just then on the eve of that dreadful 
plague, which suddenly swept thousands on thousands into 
eternity, the earlier form of which was spotted fever, and 
whether or not it were one of these premonitory cases of 
the fearful malad}^ is not clear, yet it seems most prohable. 
The spirit of perfect resignation felt by the mother to the 
will of the Lord, be that will life or death for her beloved 
child, is beautifully manifested in the letter which follows : 

Margaret Fell to John and Margaret Rous. 

"Lancaster Castle, 1st of the 10th mo. [December], I664. 

" My dear Son and Daughter, — In tender compassion 
and love, and the feeling of that life which never has an 
end, do I write unto you. It is in that I do enjoy my 
dear Mary ; her spirit is near and dear and seems present 
with me, whether in the body or out of it, with the Lord. 
To the Lord of heaven and earth she is given up freely. — 
To His heavenly and holy will I freely submit, that every 



240 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

jot and tittle thereof ma}^ be fulfilled to the glo^ and 
praise of His great name. 

" My dear Daughter, in the name of the Lord Jesus — He 
who has all power in heaven and earth, who gives life and 
breath to all His creatures, and takes them away at His 
pleasure — keep down all unworthy anxieties. In the invis- 
ible holy life which thou art made partaker of, solace thy 
soul, and in a sense of the superintending power of 
Almighty God, rest satisfied and be content. As I have 
said often to thee, give up to be crossed, — that is the way 
to please the Lord, and to follow Him in His own way and 
will, whose way is the best ; and blessed and happy are 
they that repose on His arm, and in His bosom. Theirs is 
an enduring inheritance where there will never be any more 
change. Dear Margaret, let nothing enter thy mind con- 
cerning me, for I am very well content with the handiwork 
of the Lord. I know your care and tenderness was not 
wanting to her ; and so be all satisfied and content with 
the will of the Lord ; let neither murmuring nor repining 
enter any of your minds. — Let not sorrow fill your hearts, 
for we have all cause to rejoice in the Lord evermore, and 
I most of all. I who brought her up for the Lord, whom 
I am sure is her true owner, and therein is my joy — blessed 
be His holy name who has given me her to that end, that 
He might take her away at His pleasure. 

" All your three sisters were here with me when we 
received the letters, and it was well it was so. I intend 
they shall stay two or three days more (in Lancaster) till 
the sessions be ended. Thus it hath pleased the Lord to 
divide us equally ; — you being together there, and we 
together here : blessed be His Holy name I 

" Last week I wrote my mind concerning your brother 
Fell, and I would desire to know his mind as to what he 
intends to do as shortly as may be, for we wish to make a 
sale of some part of the goods. But if he comes to live 
in the country and to take things into his own hands, we 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 241 

should make a sale of all, and lie shall have what he sees 
fitting. I wonld havj you to persuade him to come to the 
country, and as soon as may he. 

" Your sisters Sai-ah, Susan, and Rachel, who are all 
here, remember their dear love to yon and to their brother 
Fell, and their brother and sister Teamans. No more, but 
rest 3-our dear Mother, 

" Margaret Fell. 

" It is much satisfaction to me that you let me know all 
along how it was with her. It was very well done of you 

" Colonel Kirby causes our bonds to be renewed and 
straitened more and more. They lock up George Fox, 
under pretense of an order that came from London. Get 
the inclosed letter of G. F.'s sent to Gilbert Latey, that 
G. Whitehead and he may draw out from it what they see 
convenient. The enclosed to thy brother Fell, deliver to 
him thyself." 

The original of the above letter, which is in the Devon- 
shire House Collection, is thus directed : — 

" To John Rous Mercht. 

at the Bear & Fountain in 
Loathbury in 

London. 
These deliver with care." 

(Endorsed by G. F.) " M. F. when she was a prisoner, 
sent this to her son John Rous, 1664." 

Mary recovered again, and returned to her ancestral 
home amid the lakes and mountains of the north ; whilst 
deeper and deeper the dark and fearful clouds of pestilence 
and persecution spread over the metropolis. Again her 
dedicated mother pressed her to her bosom, and blessed 
the Lord with fervent thankfulness that He had given her 
back her child from the very brink of the grave. But that 



242 THE FELLS OP SWARTIIM00R HALL, 

meeting between mother and daughter took place within 
the gloomy confines of the castle prison, not as in the past 
times in their own fair Hall. Yet even in prison her joy 
could he full. She Avho before in that darker hour declared 
from within those same walls, " We have all cause to 
rejoice in the Lord evermore, and I most of all," was 
happy even in bonds, because the Lord was with her, and 
it was His presence bhed around that peace and joy 
" which passeth understanding." 

Meantime, Ellis Hooks, of London, kept Margaret Fell 
duly informed of the general proceedings, in and near the 
Metropolis, respecting the Friends. In one of the many 
letters he wrote to her about this time, he says : — 

" I think it is two weeks since I wrote to thee, therefore 
I must now give thee an account of what passed at the 
Session-house last week. Ye terday, at Hicks' Hall, four 
women Friends were sentenced to eleven months' imprison- 
ment or 401. fine, they having husbands. Twelve or 
thirteen men and women were sentenced to be transported 
to any of the foreign plantations. At the Old Bailey, about 
forty-six Friends were called, and sixteen of them would 
not answer (not guilty) according to their form, and so 
3'esterday they were sentenced by the Recorder, those that 
had husbands to Bridewell for twelve months, or 201. fine ; 
the men were sentenced to Barbadoes, and the women- maids 
to Jamaica. About sixteen last Seventh-day pleaded, and 
were tried by a jury, which jury were twice sent out, 
not agreeing in their verdict. The judges (Hide and 
Keeling) talked much to them, but they could not agree, six 
of them standing very much for Friends. Some of them 
pleaded notably for Friends, saying they did not deny but 
that they were guilty of meeting at the Bull and Mouth, 
but they said they were not guilty of the fact charged 
against them, viz., attending a seditious meeting. One ot 
the jury declared the witnesses were not competent persons 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 243 

(being common drunkards) to swear against honest men. 
So the judges were very angry with thejur}', and bound 
them in 100Z. bond a-picee, to answer it at the King's-bench 
bar. The four jailers at Newgate were all the witnesses 
that came in against Friends, except one of the marshal's 
men. 

" The seven Friends at Hertford, that were first sentenced 
to be banished, are come back from Gravesend again, and 
all their goods are set on shore. I hear the owners intend 
to send their ship another way. They have sentenced 
twenty-one at Hertford since." 

The case of the seven Friends at Hertford above alluded 
to, who were condemned to transportation for attending 
their own place of worship, is worth pausing to relate. As 
stated by Besse, — " In accordance with the sentence of 
banishment pronounced \>y the judge, the Sheriff of Hert- 
fordshire directed the jailer to contract with the master 
of a vessel bound to the West Indies to take the Friends 
thither. When they were brought to the ship the captain 
was not ready to sail, and he gave them a written permis- 
sion to go ashore till he should summon them, merely 
trusting to their word of promise to return. On the 1st of 
October, 1664, they were summoned, and accordingly went 
aboard. The ship then sailed down the river as far as the 
Eed house, near Deptford, when a sudden change of wind 
drove her back to Limehonse, where the prisoners were 
again set on shore. On the 6th again the ship weighed 
anchor, with wind and tide fair, yet the seamen declared 
that, notwithstanding their utmost efforts, they could not 
get the ship to sail, and were consequently, obliged to 
anchor again about a stone's-cast from where they lay before. 
Some of the seamen were both amazed and alarmed : they 
raised the murmuring cr}^, ' We shall never get out of 
England while these Quakers are on board.' So they set 
them ashore the third time. On the 8th they sailed again ; 
4v„ Friends, as they had promised, having duly returned, 



244 THE FELLS OP SWART IIM00B. II ALL, 

the vessel sailed down to Greenwich, when a sudden storm 
obliged them, in order to secure the ship, again to cast 
anchor ; then the prisoners were sent on shore the fourth 
time. On the 10th they were ordered on board the fifth 
time, and sailed again ; but now the ship with much ado 
was kept from running aground, then they set the prisoners 
ashore at Blackwall, and she went down the same tide to 
Gravesend. Thither the prisoners followed, and by the 
captain's orders some tarried there, and others went back 
to London, till the 28th, when they were ordered aboard the 
sixth time, and the ship sailed that night to Leigh-road, 
where they cast anchor till the next day. At night the 
captain set them ashcre, and directed them to Deal, where 
he met them altogether, and before several witnesses 
declared, that though they had followed the ship so long, 
he was resolved not any further to attempt to carry them, 
and gave them the following certificate in writing : — 

" Whereas, there were seven men, called Quakers, brought 
on board my ship, called the ' Anne of London,' by William 
Edmonds, jailer of Hertford, viz.: Nicholas Lucas, Henry 
Feast, Henry Marshall, Francis Pry or, John Blendall, 
Jeremiah Heme, and Samuel Traherne, all which have 
continued waiting on my ship from London to Deal, from 
the 14th of September last till this day. I seeing that 
Providence hath much crossed me hitherto, whereby I 
perceive that the hand of the Lord is against me so that I 
dare not proceed on my voyage to carry them, they being 
innocent persons, and no crime signified against them 
worthy of banishment ; and seeing that there is a law in force 
that no Englishman shall be carried out of his native 
country against his will, and also seeing that my men 
refuse to go the voyage if I carry them, which would be 
much to my hindrance, men being very scarce by reason of 
the long-press. For these reasons, therefore, and many 
more, I will not carry them. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 245 

" These are, therefore, to certify any person or persons 
who may question them, that they did not make an escape, 
but I put them on shore again to go where thej^ pleased. 
All this is certified under my hand this 10th of November, 
1664. 

" Thomas May. 

" Witnessed by four persons." 

" Being thus set at liberty," says Besse, " they returned 
to London and then to their own homes ; and they sent a 
letter to the King and Council, stating the circumstances, 
and accompanied it with a copy of the shipmaster's certifi- 
cate. This letter being read at the Council Board, produced 
an order which, after setting forth the fact of their having 
been put on board the aforesaid ship, pursuant to their 
sentence of transportation, and having been by the master 
set ashore at the Downs, leaving them at liberty to go 
whither they please ; it appearing to be matter of contriv- 
ance and design between the said master and the persons 
before-mentioned ' it was ordered ' that the High Sheriff 
do again apprehend and secure them until means of trans- 
porting them can be made by some shipping bound unto 
those parts.' 

" By this order they were again committed to prison, 
and remained there seven years, until discharged by the 
King's proclamation."* 

As the year 1664 drew to a close, persecution, imprison- 
ment and t ransportation continued their unrelenting violence 
against the unfinching Quakers throughout the metropolis. 
The King declared he could do nothing in their favour, 
that the city authorities must have their way in carrying out 
the laws, and therefore he wished neither to see the Quakers 
nor hear from them. Thus were they circumstanced when 
the year 1665 opened. It was evident that to crush them 
utterly was the determination of the then dominant Church, 

* Besse's "Suffering ," vol. i. p. 249. 



246 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

and to frustrate its fulfilment their dependence was on 
God alone. No Friend who had conscience and courage 
sufficient to meet with his brethren in the worship of God, 
could be sure when he left in the morning to attend meet- 
ing, whether his face would ever again be seen within his 
own home. Yet with all this the Friends' meetings were 
kept up ; and when the doors and windows of some 
of their meeting-houses were secured so as to prevent them 
from obtaining admittance, they collected together outside, 
and from thence arose the voice of exhortation and prayer. 

As the early months of 16G5 rolled on, the fearful cry of 
spotted fever in the city deepened into the hollow under- 
tones of terror that whispered plague. The cry of "The 
plague has broken out! " smote many a stout heart with 
horror and dismay as the spring advanced. Whilst some 
of the Friends continued week by week to be haled from 
their meetings to prison, Newgate became crowded to 
excess, and the dreaded plague soon made its appearance 
among the prisoners. The King, doubtless urged by the 
Court physicians, at length broke the silence he had imposed 
on himself, and declared authoritatively that no more 
Quakers should be sent into Newgate. The crowded state 
of that prison, it was feared would increase the infection, 
and that the air which passed over and through it, would 
taint the whole region. Hence in a letter fr m Ellis Hooks 
to Margaret Fell, under date 3rd mo. (May), 1665, we find 
the following paragraph: — "Last First-day our meetings 
here were quiet, only at the Bull where they pulled them 
out and then let them go. I hear the King has issued an order 
that there should be no more sent to Newgate by reason of 
the plague, which increases very much, thirty dying of it 
last week, as I hear. Friends are still kept close in New- 
gate — now about seven score. There is a report of sending 
away eight mure shortly." 

Ever and anon came tidings to the north of the fearful 
progress of the plague. That God was pouring forth the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 24T 

vials of His wrath, because of the wickedness of the great 
Babel, was the general feeling among the religious people 
of the day. Fear and trembling fell on the thoughtless 
votary of pleasure, when " the pestilence that walketh by 
noonday," and respecteth neither rank nor beauty, had 
penetrated from the prison to the palace. The King and 
his Court fled to Oxford, and the city generally became 
deserted by those who had the means of escape. A witness 
of the sad scene says : — " What eye would not weep to see 
so many habitations uninhabited, the poor sick not visited, 
the hungry not fed, the grave not satisfied ! Death stares 
us in the face from every coffin which is hourly carried 
along the streets. The custom was in the beginning to 
bury the dead in the night only ; but now both night and 
day will hardly give time enough to do it." 

" How sunk the inmost hearts of all 
As rolled the dead-ca.t slowly by, 
With creaking wheel and har^h hoof-fall ! 
The dying turned him to the wall, 
To hear it, and to die." 

Amid these scenes of dismaj- and death, instead of opening 
the doors of the pestilential prisons, to allow uninfected 
persons therein confined, who were not criminals, to seek a 
purer atmosphere, those whose intolerance had pent them 
up merely ordered fifty-five Friends to be taken out of 
Newgate, and placed on board a ship in the Thames, called 
the "Black Eagle," in order for banishment. They were 
very much crowded on board, and the plague soon breaking 
out there also, out of these fifty-five victims, twenty-seven 
died. '• I visited the Friends in the ship," says George 
Whitehead, " and had a meeting with them on board, and 
the Lord my God preserved me both from the distemper 
and from banishment, wherein I do humbly confess His 
power, to His own praise and glory." The " Black Eagle," 
after considerable detention, sailed away at last from the 



248 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Thames, but she was taken in the Channel hy a Dutch 
privateer and, passing round by the north of Ireland and 
Scotland to avoid recapture, the two vessels at length 
reached Holland. Only one-half of the Friends were alive, 
the other half having died as above stated, but the residue 
were liberated by the Dutch, and afterwards all but one of 
them returned to England. 

George Whitehead was one of the few who remained in 
London throughout that terrible plague without taking it. 
Thus he speaks : — " That which added to our Friends' 
affliction was the hardness of our persecutors' hearts — their 
cruelty and barbarity in imprisoning and detaining so many 
of them in Newgate, and in the White Lion prison in South- 
wark, after the plague had broken forth and many people 
swept away. I had not freedom or peace, to leave the city 
or the Friends in and about London, during that great 
calamity, even when the mortality was at its height. I 
was given up to stay among them, to attend Friends' 
meetings, to visit the Friends in prison, and at their own 
houses, even when many of them were sick of the contagion, 
both in prison and in their own habitations. In all that 
time the Lord preserved me from the infectious distemper, 
which mercy I hope ever thankfully to remember. On first- 
days I took my nightcap in my pocket when I went to 
meetings, not knowing but I might be apprehended and 
committed to prison. However the Lord gave me faith to 
be resigned to His will either to live or to die for His 
truth's sake." George Whitehead was witness to many a 
deathbed scene in the terrible Kewgate, and in other prisons 
where, notwithstanding the dreadful surroundings, peace 
and comfort from the Lord often reigned triumphant, though 
sorrow and sadness, he says, seized on his own spirit in 
view of" these harmless lambs stretched on such beds in 
noisome holes and prisons," " but," he adds, on the other 
hand, "my spirit was often refreshed and revived, seeing 
that Christ their salvation and redemption was manifest to 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 249 

and in them, and that the Lord had thus appointed the final 
deliverance of many through death, from the cruelties of 
their oppressors." 

Ellis Hooks, "writing from London to his friend in Lan- 
caster prison, on the 7th of 9th mo. (November), when the 
disease began to subside, sa}-s, " I have been preserved well, 
but as a brand is plucked out of the fire, so has the Lord 
delivered me. I have often laid down my head in sorrow, 
and rose as I went to bed, not having slept a wink for the 
groans of them that lay dying. Each morning I counted it 
a great mercy that the Lord had given me another day." 
" But," he adds, " our meetings now are quiet, and Friends 
are generally well, both in prison, in the ship, and at New. 
gate ; and there is not above one a day buried in the Friends' 
burial-ground." 

We have another letter, written a month later than the 
foregoing, still further confirming the subsidence of the 
pestilence. It is from 

Morgan "Watkins to Margaret Fell. 

"London, 5th 10th mo. [December], 1665. 
" I suppose thou heard of our releasement a while since. 
I have been something weak since I came out into the air ; 
but through the great love of my God I am wonderfully 
preserved to the praise of His name. But the two imprison- 
ments in Newgate, and the one at Gatehouse, in which I 
had several battles with death, have much weakened my 
body.* It was the arising of the power of God that gave 
me dominion over the distemper, and over the weakness 
of the flesh. The day was dreadful to all, and few were 
able to abide it, and stand the judgment; but the Lord is 
very merciful to the remnant of His people. 

* Gatehouse prison was situated neT the west end of "NTestminster 
Abbey. Morgan Watkins was c mmitted to it by warrant from 
General Monk, then Duke of Albemarle, on the 9th of August, 
1665, for being at a meeting in St. John's, as stated by Besse. 



250 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Our meetings are now quiet, save only the Bull and 
Mouth, from which we are still kept out ; they are beginning 
to be very large, of strange faces and good honest coun- 
tenances who with exceeding hungerings receive the Truth. 
Gilbert Latey is in health, and Amos Stodart also, but he 
hath buried his wife. Alexander Parker is at Bristol. 
There is no stranger Friend here at present but m} r self, 
and the work is very great. 

" The city doth begin to fill again. I have account of 
920 Friends, and Friends' children and servants, that were 
buried in our burial-place since the 25th of the 1st mo. 
(March), 1665, but I think not much above half were 
Friends.* The ship in which the Friends are, is yet in 
the River, and all in Newgate are now pretty well and have 
much liberty. The bishop of Salisbury is dead, and this 
clay I heard that Canterbury was dead also, but I am not 
certain of its truth. 

" I rest thy loving friend and brother in the fellowship 
of the everlasting Gospel, " Morgan WATKiNS."f 



CHAPTER XIX. 

1666—1668. 
National Sins and their Punishment — M. Fell's Letter 
from Lancaster Castle to the King — Great Fire op Lon- 
don — Letters from Ellis Hooks— M. Fell's Eelease from 
Prison. 

When the year 1666 was ushered in, the plague had sub- 
sided, but the war with Holland was still raging. These 
two scourges — pestilence and the sword, which, under the 
old dispensation, were accounted the great calamities 

* The total number of deaths registered in London by Friends, in 
the year 1665. we find was 1,177. Morgan Watkins' information of 
920 burials apples to little more than eight months. 

\ The original cf the above letter is in the Devonshire House 
Collection of Swarthmoor Jl.SS. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 251 

wherewith God punished the wickedness of the Jews — had 
at the same time assailed the English nation. That idea 
of people being punished by such inflictions in this world, 
for their own aggregate sins, or for particular gross sins 
of their rulers, characterized the ages prior to the time, 
when the Lord Jesus clearly placed before the world the 
certainty of an eternal future, as bringing to each indi- 
vidual " the reward of the deeds done in the bod} 7 ." In 
this, as in some other points, the Puritans, adopting Jewish 
ideas, were more guided by the enunciations of the old 
than the new dispensation. Against that tendency in 
general the Friends spake out very strongly. The sab- 
batical views of the Puritans and those respecting war 
and human vengeance, were earnestly withstood as un- 
christian by the Quaker teachers and preachers of the day. 
But the assumption of national inflictions from the Lord, 
for the sins of national rulers, clung to numbers of the 
Friends who had been educated under Puritan influence. 
And no marvel when it did so, that many of them traced 
the present national calamities as punishments for the 
injustice and cruelty with which " the servants of the 
Lord," as they surely held them to be, had been treated by 
the supreme rulers — the clergy, and the magistracy of the 
nation. Sometimes under this belief, and sometimes 
from a conviction that the Lord had commissioned them, 
they had often warned those who were in power of the 
approach of calamities, that their injustice and cruelty 
would bring clown on the land. When the Cromwellian 
dynasty and its leading supporters were ignominiously 
swept from place and power, many were reminded of the 
warnings given them by the Quakers. And now, again the 
plague had awakened similar remembrances of more recent 
warnings. 

The King asked, with some curiosity one day, " Have 
any of the Quakers died of the distemper?" He was told 
many of them had died of it, especiall}- in the prisons. 



252 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Then," said he, " they can't say that the plague is a punish- 
ment sent for their enemies because of having imprisoned 
them, when they are dying of it themselves." To this a 
Friend replied " God sends the rain on the just and the 
unjust, so too with such national visitations." Had the 
Friends fully applied and followed out this illustration, and 
also that of the falling of the tower of Siloam, as given by 
our Divine Master, they might have been more divested of 
the impression, that we are to look in this world, for the 
punishment of whose who treat God's servants unjustly. 

Margaret Fell on several occasions regarded herself called 
upon by her Divine Master to expostulate with and warn 
both Cromwell and King Charles. It is scarcely to be ex- 
pected that those expostulations and warnings, would not 
under a sense of acute suffering manifest somewhat of the 
retributive animus above alluded to. Yet the leading im- 
pression conveyed was, that Cromwell himself, and Charles 
himself, would each have the heavy weight of a deep sin on 
his own head, if he would not use his power to release 
the servants of the Lord from imprisonment ; and if the 
promises they had each made, respecting the establishment 
of religious liberty were left unfulfilled. 

After that faithful woman had been imprisoned in Lan- 
caster Castle nearly three 3'ears, once more she determined 
to address the King, xfer letter though written under the 
endurance of much hardship and cruel wrong, manifests 
neither bitterness nor fear. A high true sense of Christian 
integrity, and God's approving love, still upheld her spirit. 
But under a consciousness of how awfully King Charles 
had violated both truth and justice, she endeavours to make 
him sensible of his breach of the Divine law, and she calls 
to his mind her former communications, then asks for what 
transgression he (and his advisers) had kept her who had 
u never wronged any man " incarcerated in that miserable 
place " for these three long winters." How conscienceless 
must have been the King, clergy, and council, to have suf- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 253 

fered such a woman to be thus imprisoned under pretext 
of dishryalty, when they knew in their hearts there was no 
shadow of truth in the pretense ! 

Margaret Fell's Letter to the King 

Commences by her asking him to pause, and in the fear of 
the Lord to consider what he and his ministers had been 
doing during the six years that had elapsed since their return 
to England ; then she continues—" What laws have you 
made or changed, save such as have laid oppression and 
bondage on God's people? Yet the greatest crime that you 
could find against them was, that they obeyed and wor- 
shipped Christ Jesus. But the Lord hath preserved His 
people both innocent and harmless, though persecuted to 
such a height of suffering. 

" I wish you would consider seriously what effects and 
fruits these your persecutions have brought forth. — First, I 
believe they have sent hundreds of God's people to their 
graves. They have also rendered this realm and the gov- 
ernors of it cruel in the eyes of all people, both within its 
own body, and in other nations. — Besides all this, the guilt 
of innocent blood lies upon this Kingdom. Since that blood 
was shed, the Lord hath taken many thousands of the 
inhabitants of the nation away, by His two judgments — 
pestilence and the sword. 

" Before any of this was, I was sent of the Lord to tell 
thee, oh King, of the state of our people, and to show thee, 
that they were an innocent, harmless, peaceable people, — 
that they were, and are so, I could then, ever since, and 
now, seal with my blood, if put to it. Thy answer to me 
was, — If they be peaceable they shall be protected.' 

" I also wrote to thee several times concerning our faith 
and principles, how that we could not swear for conscience' 
sake ; neither could we take up arms, nor plot, nor contrive 
to injure or do any man wrong, much less the King. 



254 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" I likewise told thee, that we must worship God, for God 
required it of us. 

" And I expressed our desire to have a meeting with the 
bishops or ministers, that therein they and we might be 
tried by the Scriptures of Truth, to prove which of us was 
in the error. Whereupon thou wast pleased to grant our 
request, and promised that we should have such a meeting. 
But the bishops and those concerned turned it off, and 
would not give us a meeting. This action of theirs did 
plainly manifest them not to be living under the life and 
power of the Scriptures. For Christ Jesus said to those 
that He sent forth, that He would give them a mouth and 
wisdom, that all their adversaries should not be able to 
gainsay. And the apostle likewise writing to his son Timothy 
in 2nd Timothy ii. 24, 25, 26,—' The servant of the Lord 
must not strive ; but be gentle unto all men, apt to teach, 
patient, in meekness instructing those that oppose them- 
selves ; if God peradventure will give them repentance to 
the acknowledging of the Truth,' &c. 

" If they had been the ministers of Christ and upholding 
the Apostles' doctrines, they would have taken this way 
with us before they would have agreed with civil magis- 
trates, to make laws against us. But the way they took, 
manifested their spirit and principles, for they choose to 
deliver us up to them that had the whip and the scourge in 
their hands, to have us put down by compulsion, when 
they could not do it by sound doctrine. 

" I also warned thee to beware of the counsel of the 
bishops ; for if thou hearkened to their counsel that it 
would be thy ruin, as it was the ruin of thy father. Their 
counsel is the same that Rehoboam's }~oung men was, — thou 
knowest this is true, and that they have counselled thee 
to make the burden heavier. 

" All this, with much more, I can truly say I wrote to 
thee, in the fear of the Lord and in much love and tender- 
ness. And now I ask, for which of these things hast thou 



AND TFIEIIt FRIENDS. 2oD 

kept me in prison three long winters, in a place not fit for 
human beings to live in? A place where storm, wind, and 
rain enter, and which is sometimes filled with smoke ; so 
that it is much wonder I am alive, and this onty because 
the. power and goodness of God hath been with me. 

" I never did thee, nor any other man in the nation, any 
wrong ; and the same I may say for many more of our 
Friends ttiat have suffered even until death. For all the 
warnings that we gave you of judgments, and all we could 
write or speak, we were not believed. We told you plainly 
we had done so with other governors before you, and how 
the Lord had overthrown them ; but all was to no purpose, 
for as long as there was peace in the land, the main 
business of the Parliament was to invent laws to punish 
and persecute Quakers. Laws to punish vice, sin, and 
wickedness, we had but little of. 

" Now after all my sufferings, in the same feelings of love 
that I visited thee in the beginning, I once more beseech 
thee to fear the Lord God, by whom kings rule and 
princes decree justice ; who sets up one and pulls down 
another at His pleasure. And let not the guilt of the 
breach of that word that passed from thee at Breda lie 
any longer on thy conscience ; but perform as thou 
promised when thou wast in distress. Hearken not to 
wicked counsellors that heretofore have prevented thee, 
they will bear none of thy burden for thee, when the 
Lord's voice accuses of breach of covenant with Him and 
His people." 

******* 

"Margaret Fell. 

" Fi om my prison 

at Lancaster Castle, 

the 6th day of the Gth month [August] 1666. "* 

*From the Collection of M. F.'s writings published in 1710. 



256 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

There is no account of how the above letter was received 
by the King. However it did not produce any immediate 
release, as the writer remained in prison nearly two years 
after its date. What she says reminding King Charles of 
the advice she had given him on his coming to England, 
not to take the counsel of the bishops, and further respect- 
ing their persecuting spirit, would of course annoy the 
clergy exceeding!}'. She must have known it would do so, 
yet she would not shrink it because she held in her inmost 
soul that they had united with those who had prompted 
Charles to disregard his Breda declaration. And whether 
correct or not, she believed most solemnly, that the bishops 
continued to instigate the King and his ministry, to the 
wicked course of religious persecutions they were pursuing 
against the Quakers and some other dissenters. 

The Spirit of Truth had such entire possession of 
Margaret Fell's heart and mind, that no timid compromise, 
or what some would call prudent reticence, prevented her 
from avowing her principles. However courteous and kind 
in her manners and demeanour, as many circumstances 
indicate her to have been, she would not leave an important 
truth unexpressed, if she believed a good opportunity 
presented for pleading its righteousness. It is quite prob- 
able that this outspoken truthfulness caused her to be 
feared by some persons in power, who exerted themselves 
with the King to have her imprisonment continued, under 
circumstances so indicative of a cruel and unmanly ven- 
geance. But truth was dearer to her than liberty, or even 
than life itself; and fear of man, whether he be king or 
bishop, could not deter her from giving utterance to what 
she solemnly held to be true. 

It was probably soon after the contents of that letter 
were made known, that she wrote the work entitled "A 
Touchstone, or Trial by the Scriptures of Priests, Bishops, 
and Ministers. 1 ' It displays a very intimate acquaintance 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 257 

with Holy Writ, especially a careful study of the New- 
Testament writers, whose enunciations, and the commands 
and precepts of the Lord Jesus, are very freely quoted in 
contrast to the practices of those who then governed the 
dominant Church in England. 

The Touchstone commences thus : — " Methinks I hear 
the bishops contemn and murmur at what I have published 
to the world, how I warned the King at the beginning of 
his reign to beware of their counsels. I do therefore hereby 
give to them and to the world the reasons why I did so." 
This she does at so great a length and with such a crowd 
of Scriptural quotations as rather distract, instead of con- 
centrating attention on the most telling. If resolved into 
about one-half the compass, her Touchstone might have 
formed an admirable treatise on the subject. However, as 
it was, it may have suited the age in which it came out, 
though it would not suit now. 

It was some weeks after the date of Margaret Fell's 
address to the King, that the Great Fire of London broke 
forth. Thus that calamity is described in Evelyn's diary : — 

" September 3rd. The fire continued all this night (if I 
may call that night, which was as light as day for ten miles 
round about) after a dreadful manner, when conspiring 
with a fierce eastern wind in a very dry season. I went on 
foot to Bankside in Southwark, and saw the whole south 
part of the City burning, from Cheapside to the Thames, 
and all along Cornhill, Tower-street, Fenchurch-street, Gra- 
cious-street, and so along to Bainard's Castle, and was now 
taking hold of St. Paul's Church. The conflagration was 
so universal, and the people so astonished, that from the 
beginning (I know not by what despondency or fate) they 
hardly stirred to quench it ; so that there was nothing 
heard or seen but crying out and lamentation, and running 
about like distracted creatures. Oh ! the miserable and 
calamitous spectacle ! such as haply the world had not seen 



258 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

the like since the foundation of it, nor be outdone till the 
universal conflagration. All the sky was of a fiery aspect 
like the top of a burning oven, the light being seen above 
forty miles round about, for many nights. The poor inhabi- 
tants were dispersed about St. George's Fields, and Moor- 
fields, as far as Highgate, and several miles in circle, some 
under tents, some under miserable huts and hovels, many 
without a rag or necessary utensil, bed or board, who from 
delieateness, riches, and easy accommodations in stately 
and well-furnished houses, were now reduced to extremest 
misery and poverty." 

More than a month elapsed between the commencement 
of the great fire and the date of the following letter: — 

Ellis Hooks to Margaret Fell. 

Loudon, Cnd Sih mo. [October], 1666. 

" People are in great confusion here, by reason of the 
fire which has happened in the city to the great destruc- 
tion and ruin of the same. It has not been without a just 
cause of provocation of the Lord by this generation, who 
have lifted up themselves against God, their hearts having 
been given up to pride and vanity, and the persecution of 
them who were true seekers of the Lord , and who delight 
in His ways. 

" There was a young man that came out of Huntingdon- 
shire to warn the King to set Friends at liberty, or else, 
within two days, destruction should be. He went to 
Whitehall the day before the fire, but they would not 
admit Mm to come to the King. The next morning he 
went again, and was admitted to speak to him in the 
presence-chamber. 

" Last week another Friend came out of Staffordshire to 
speak with the King, and to deliver a pay [a paper or list] 
to him. Indeed, a very plain honest man this Friend is; 
he had a great weight upon him. Going towards White- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 259 

hall last Sixth-day morning betimes, he met the King in 
his coach, and he stepped to the coach-side, and laying his 
hand upon it said : ' King Charles, my message is this day 
unto thee, in behalf of God's poor, afflicted, suffering 
people,' and gave him the paper and pressed him to read it. 
The King said, ' How dost thou think I can read it now? ' 
So he told the King that his message was unto him, ' that 
the people of God might have their liberty from under the 
great bondage, that thee and th} T law hath laid upon them.' 
Then the King replied that he and his Parliament were to 
consider of it. The Friend told him, 'if they did so 
consider it as to set the afflicted people of the Lord at 
liberty, it might be a means of stopping the judgments of 
the Lord ; but if so be that they continued their bonds, the 
Lord God would multiply His judgments upon them. 
Then the Friend moved, about the Friends at Reading, 
and told him that their sufferings did cry very much in 
the ears of the Lord against him, and except he set them 
at liberty from under the cruel law of premunire, their 
cries would not be stopped, but would be returned double 
on his head. Then the King said that they would not 
obey the law of the nation. The Friend told him if so be, 
he and his Parliament would make a law corresponding 
with the law of God, he might see that they would not 
walk contrary to that. And he told him that the Lord had 
pleaded with this city by plagues, sword, and fire and so 
left him. 

" When he first went to the coach-side, the footman 
took off his hat, but the King bade him ' give the man his 
hat again,' and was very mild and moderate. His name is 
Adam Barefoote. 

" I saved thy book from the fire, the last Seventh-day I 
gave it to W. Warwick.* " E. H." 

* Original in the Devonshire House Collection. 



260 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

The next letter is a little more than a month later : — 

Ellis Hooks to Margaret Fell. 

London, 6th 9th mo. [November], 1666. 

"Dear M. F., — I received two letters from thee since I 
wrote. I have been in the country, and so could not 
conveniently write sooner to thee [in reply]. 

" I suppose thou hast ere this received H. Stubbs' letter, 
wherein she hath given thee an account of what she hath 
done in spreading thy papers amongst the rulers. Con- 
cerning thy great book, W. W. hath it, but has not done 
anything in it yet. We expect George Fox here very 
shortly. 

" Concerning what thou desires to know [about the] 
Friends where the fire was. There was very few but lost a 
great deal, yet not so much I think as [others] lost : 
because Friends were so helpful one to the other. Thomas 
Cooney lost most or all his beds and goods, by reason that 
they prest his cart for the King's use and the Mayor's. 

Friends are pretty well settled now, and will get trading 
again in a little time. The Parliament is about making an 
Act against the Papists that none of them shall bear any 
office in the kingdom, and that all of them that are 
soldiers shall be turned out, except they take the oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy, and go to the steeple-house and 
take the sacrament. 

" I am not as jet settled in a place since the fire, but I 
am about taking a chamber in Aldersgate-street. I am at 
present at AnneTravers', at Horselydown. 

" I remain, thy loving friend, 

"E. Hooks."* 

That letter is thus endorsed by John Abraham : — 
"Ellis Hooks' letter; who was a very serviceable and 

* From the original in the Thirnbeck Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. £61 

good inau in early clays to my dear and honoured grand- 
•mother." 

George Fox as alluded to in the foregoing, had been 
released from prison by the King's order nearly three 
months before the date of that letter. He had been im- 
prisoned at the same time as Margaret Fell, and had after- 
wards been removed from Lancaster Castle to Scarborough 
Castle. It seems remarkable, indeed, that he should have 
been liberated, and that she should have been retained a 
prisoner. Her letter to the King, shortly before the great 
fire, bears date four days after George Fox's release from 
Scarborough. 

What the " great book " contained which Ellis Hooks 
alludes to is not clear. Doubtless it is the same he speaks 
of in a previous letter as having saved from the fire. W. 
Warwick was the printer to whom it was consigned. 
Margaret Fell wrote more during her imprisonment than 
at any other period of her life. Her pen, which served to 
give expression to her thoughts, must have been a great 
solace to her in tho-e weeks, and months and years of 
loneliness. And it* her enemies expected to keep her 
thoughts from making their way abroad by confining her 
in jail they were admirably mistaken. During her impris- 
onment, beside " The Touchstone," she wrote " A Call to 
the Universal Seed of God throughout the World," and a 
still larger work, entitled " A call unto the Seed of Israel 
to come out of Egypt's Darkness, and House of Bondage, 
into the Land of Rest." The case of the Jews she entered 
into with great earnestness. Ten years before, in Judge 
Fell's lifetime, she had written more than one address to 
them; and now again, in her lonely hours, her soul 
anxiously reverted to the "lost sheep of the house of 
Israel." We do not find any other Friend of that age 
entering so zealously into the cause of the Jews. She also 
wrote on " Women speaking when moved thereto by the 



262 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Holy Spirit," showing how women were the first to whom 
the Lord appeared after His resurrection, and a woman 
was the messenger to whom He said, " Go tell my brethren 
that they go into Galilee, and there shall they see me." 
" It was a woman whom Christ Himself first commanded 
to proclaim His assent to the Father, and are women now 
to be excluded from proclaiming His blessed Gospel? " 

Beside all those considerable compositions, Margaret 
Fell's epistles to different meetings, in different places 
throughout the three kingdoms, were numerous ; and her 
private correspondence among Friends in prison, and out 
of prison, must also have been very large. With such 
interests and occupations as her pen thus brought, 1666 
and '67 passed over. In a letter written by Thomas Salt- 
house from London, 19th 3rd mo. (May) 1668, I find the 
following allusion to efforts for her release : — 

"Friends here determine now to press the King and 
Council to consider of the returns out of all the counties 
concerning the prisoners in the jails of England; and to 
that end Thomas Moore* was this last week sent for, and 
is now come up to move the King to the prosecution of so 
good a work. Doctor Lower hath improved his interest 
of late with some lords of the Royal Society to plead with 
the King on thy behalf for liberty — but Pharaoh's heart is 
so hard!" 

The efforts to obtain Margaret Fell's liberation about 
that time must have proved successful ; for another letter 
now before me, which was written by John Rous six weeks 
later, contains messages to his mother-in-law that indicate 

* Thomas Moore had been an influential magistrate before he 
joined Friends. He is represented as a very gentlemanly man, of 
excellent address and admirable tact, so that without flinching from 
his principles he often visit d the King, and spoke honestly without 
giving any oifense to the courtiers. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 263 

she was then restored to her home and family at Swarth- 
moor. The date of her release must, therefore, have been 
in 4th mo. old style, corresponding with 6th mo., 1668, 
after an imprisonment of about four years and a half. 



CHAPTER XX. 

1668—1670. 



Family Letters — Mart Fell's Mauriage — Margaret Fell 
visits the Friends who are Imprisoned — M. F-'s andG. F.'s 
Marriage — George Fells Indignation — Letters from 
George Fox and John Rous to Margaret Fox — From Thomas 
Lower — From Jo in Rous— M. F. again Imprisoned. 

John Rous thus writes to his sister-in-law soon after 
their mother's return home : — 

John Rous to Sarah Fell. 

" London, 30th 4th mo. [June], 166S. 

" Pear Sister, — Thine of the 20th instant I have received. 
We were very glad to bear of yours, and our dear babes' 
welfare, for which we bless the Lord. Thy saddle I last 
week sent down to William Gandy according to thy desire ; 
and I writ to him to take care to send it forward with 
what speed he could, and advise thee where he sends it. 
I am sorry sister Mary should be at so great a want for a 
stirrup. I know not how to get hers to her. But if one 
could be bought at Lancaster, or Preston, I desire thou 
would pay for it on my account ; but if she cannot get one 
there, I shall have to wait for an opportunity to send hers 
down. 

" I think to speak to William Warwick, and see if I can 
make any bargain with him about some of my mother's 
books, that Ellis may not be overburdened with having so 
many on his hands, nor my mother put to much charge to 
ease him. I shall get the books as soon as I can, and send 



264 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

them as my mother hath ordered. My wife and I went 
into the countiy last 5th day and returned yesterday. I 
could not go to see T. L. but sent Robin, who brought 
word that he mends finely, and hopes next week to be in a 
capacity to go out, but durst not venture this week. I 
hope in a short time he will be able to undertake the jour- 
ney. 

" I had a letter yesterday from Leonard Fell, who was 
then in Cornwall but had not met with George Fox. His 
dear love was remembered to 3 r ou all, and he was very 
well. It is the first letter I received from him since he 
left the city. I also received a letter from Thomas Salt- 
house, who was at Newcastle in Staffordshire. 

" Here is no public news that I know of. Last week 
George Whitehead and Thos. Robertson were sent prison- 
ers to the "White Lion for a month, being taken at a 
meeting near Gilford. We are both well, I bless the Lord, 
and have our very dear and tender love remembered to 
my mother, thyself, my sisters Mary, Susanna, and Rachel, 
which with our love to the rest of the family and Friends, 
is most at present from 

" Thy truly loving Brother, 

"John Rous."* 

A postscript is appended, containing some remarks about 
pecuniary affairs, which indicate that Margaret Fell at this 
time was at home. The T. L. alluded to in the letter was 
no doubt Thomas Lower, brother to Doctor Richard 
Lower, mentioned in our last chapter as using his influence 
with some lords of the Royal Society to procure Margaret 
Fell's release. At that time Thomas Lower was engaged 
to Mary Fell, the fifth of the Swarthmoor sisters. His 
brother, the Doctor, is known to fame not only as Court 
physician in the reign of Charles II., but as a medical 
writer of high standing. 

* From the Devonsh're House Collection of Swarthmoor MSS. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 265 

The Lowers belonged to an ancient family of Cornwall, 
where they had a handsome estate. When George Fox 
was imprisoned in Launceston Jail, Thomas Lower was 
residing with his annt Loveday Hambly, at Tregangreeves. 
Hearing, no donbt, of his extraordinary character, he went 
to visit the prisoner, and offered him money to help to 
defray his expenses. Though the money was declined, 
the kindness which prompted the offer was duly appre- 
ciated by George Fox. The next visit he paid the im- 
prisoned reformer, his annt went with him, and the 
conversation that ensued so reached both their hearts, 
that they left the prison thoroughly convinced of the 
truth of the doctrines preached by Fox. Thomas Lower 
compared the force and clearness of the conviction that 
shot through his soul to a flash of lightning. This was 
in the year 1C56, when he was about twenty-four years of 
age. Near the close of the same year, he attended a 
general meeting of the Friends of Cornwall and Devon- 
shire held at Exeter ; George Fox was present, and describes 
it as a " blessed heavenly meeting, in which the Lord's 
everlasting power came over all." 

Soon after he joined the Friends, Thomas Lower was 
married to a young lady of Plymouth, named Elizabeth 
Trelawney, whom George Fox speaks of as the daughter 
of a baronet, and who had herself joined the Society some 
time previously ; but their union did not last long, — she 
was removed by death about the year 1662, leaving no 
children. 

Six years elapsed between the death of Thomas Lower's 
first wife, and his second marriage. It is evident from 
the following letter, that he was well known to Mary Fell 
before he was personally acquainted with her mother. 
Mary's visits to her sister Rous in London, and her sister 
Teamans in Bristol, would doubtless afford opportunities 
for their acquaintance, and her mother's imprisonment 
probably caused Thomas Lower to write, instead of seeing 



2G6 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

her on the occasion of his application for her daughter, 
Be that as it may, it is plain from this letter, that Margaret 
Fell at first looked coldly on his proposal ; — 

Thomas Lower to Mart Fell. 

" To my dearest friend, Mary Fell. 

" My dear M. F., — If we could have daily [correspond- 
ence] my fervent love would sufficiently administer new 
matter of writing. Though our distance outwardly from 
each other is like to increase, yet in that which neither 
distance nor length of days or years can separate, shall we 
enjoy each other, and sympathize each with the other in 
all things that may arise to dam up the streams of our 
true and innocent affection. Thy second letter of love I 
received with much joj^ some daj'S after I came home. 
The continuation and increase of thy love, health, and 
welfare, overcame the effect of the sad accidents that 
encountered me, and, as it were, welcomed me home. For 
at Looe, a town about twelve miles from my aunt's, I 
heard of a fire that had happened at Tregangreeves, which 
had burnt some part of the house, which [report], as thou 
mayst imagine, was no little trouble to me and dear T. S., 
because we knew not what part, or how much. But when 
we arrived we found it was not so much as report had 
made it. This unexpected coming of us (for my aunt had 
information but the day before that we were both in 
prison) even transported my aunt into an ecstasy, she was 
so much overcome with joy at the seeing of us. When we 
considered the Wonderful goodness and mercy, in the 
preservation of all the rest of the house, we could not but 
bless and magnify the name of the Lord. 

" It seems, through the negligence of a servant that was 
brewing (it being meeting-time on the 5th day of the week), 
having store of fuel brought in to her, she sets some under 
her pans, and goes about other business, and came not again 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 267 

until the fire had kindled in the rest of the combustible stuff, 
and the -whole room was in flames too fierce to quench. 
Through God's menry, and the great concourse of neighbours 
[who aided], the fire was retained within the walls of the 
brew-house, where it began and ended, though there were 
thatched sheds within twelve feet on both sides, and even 
adjoining it. The loss was little compared to the threatened 
danger. The sight thereof gives continual cause for us to 
bless and praise the Lord. Of late man}" sad accidents 
have happened by fire in this county, among which Godol- 
phin's house is most considerable ; most of it was burned 
on that same clay that ours was. His loss is judged to be 
at least £1,000, and all his writings burnt also. Thus it 
seems good unto the Lord to plead with this nation by fire, 
as well as by plague and sword. Those in whose hearts 
any measure of righteousness is wrought, consider the end 
of His judgments, and in them it works the right effects, 
even newness of life, and the doing of that which God 
requires. Sometimes God's rod administers comfort as 
well as His staff, seeing that all things work together for 
good to those that love and fear the Lord. Our meeting- 
room was not distant above ten feet from this that was 
burnt, and yet it was preserved. Great, exceeding great, 
has been the mercy and love of the Lord unto us : praised 
be His name for ever and ever ! 

" I have imparted the whole progress of our love unto 
my auut Hambly, and have informed her also of George 
Fox's approbation and commends of thee. I have also 
acquainted her with the better part of thy mother's animad- 
versions unto thee upon this subject ; and I have read unto 
her my letter and answer unto it. I have also showed and 
read unto her, thine and my dear sister Yeamans' last letter 
unto me ; and to the whole matter she hath exceeding good 
liking, and heartily wishes good-speed. It seems, before I 
oime home there had some vilifying reports been brought 
into Cornwall ; but after she had heard my more true and 



2C8 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

impartial account, both of thy person, qualifications, and 
disposition, she did with much delight hear and rejoice in 
it. Sister Yeamans was represented according to her deserts 
as a worthy Friend, and a person every way well accom- 
plished ; hut thou, my dear, was rendered less exact, and 
with a more pale countenance. My aunt said unto the 
reporters, ' thus was it with me when I was young ; I was 
looked on as the least in beauty of all my father's children ; 
yet God hath provided for me, and blessed me as fully as 
any of them, and so I hope the Lord will do by Mary Fell.' 
This she repeated unto me and Thomas Salthouse after we 
came home. And when she understood by T. S. that thou 
wast the steward at home, and of }-our frugality, ' Well,' 
said she, ' I make no doubt that God will bless them.' 

" At Plymouth both thou and sister Yeamans were painted 
with naked necks, and in costly array, until T. S. and I 
deciphered } T ou, and quite defaced the former counterfeit by 
representing you in a more commendable dress. The authors 
of these unsavoury belchings, I cannot fully discover, but 
that which brings report will also carry ; however, the}'' hath 
gained naught but an ill repute for their ill report, and you 
thereby are become more estimable. 

" "When I read unto my aunt my letter unto thy mother, 
she liked it very well, and when I came unto that waich 
mentioned the estate I had in expectanc}", she said, ' God 
forbid I should ever alienate it from thee ; I have not made 
away the worth of a dish or a spoon from thee, and as I have 
done, so will I still confirm it on thee, therefore let them 
not have any doubtings.' Thus I impart unto thee the state 
of our affairs here, and how very tenderly she felt and was 
touched by thy loving salute unto her, and she wishes to 
return the remembrance of her very dear love unto thee. 
T. S., my very dear brother and fellow-traveller, greets thee 
with a filial and holy kiss. And now, my dearest, to whom 
my heart is perfectly united, and in that which first begat 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 269 

our union, do I most heartily embrace thee in the arms of 
pure affection and seal it unto thee with the lips of truth. 

" The match proposed for my eldest brother is broken off, 
and m}^ aunt Hambly hath mentioned unto my mother, thy 
sister Sarah. Thomas Salthouse says they much resemble 
each other in face. If she will approve I should much rejoice 
in it, only I desire her to give us leave to be married first, 
if the Lord permit and prosper this, which He hath begun 
in us. 

" Since the writing of the aforesaid, my aunt coming 
into the room I read it unto her, and she rejoices in our 
good likings and love, and says she hopes thou wilt be a 
help and a comfort unto her in her old age, and wishes my 
brother were married unto Sarah. Whatsoever the Lord 
may bring to pass I shall rejoice in, unto whom I commit 
thee and myself also, in whose protection there is safety 
and peace for ever. So my dear, in that [trust] which never 
ends, never waxeth old, I sadly say farewell, my dear, 
farewell. Thine, 

" Thomas Lower." 

" My dearest, — Just as I was going to seal up the pre- 
ceding did my aunt bring into my chamber thy [packet.] 
I read them all unto her, viz., that from my dear brother 
Yeamans, also thine and part of thy mother's in it. She 
rejoiced to hear brother Yeamans call me brother, and thee 
to write thy dearest friend. But truly, my dear, I cannot 
but take notice of thy mother's slights to me and her un- 
friendly deportment towards me ; which I have not merited 
from her, and I hope never shall. Setting aside all her 
strictness, and her severe inquiries in her first unto thee at 
Bristol; in the conclusion of her letter she mentions, 
'Show the forepart unto the man.' If I had never pre- 
tended unto thee, she might have properly styled me 
friend ; but I smothered all these apprehensions then, and 
hoped that I should receive a more amiable return to my 



270 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

very submissive letter to her, wherein I am sure all the 
civilit}' and becoming respect I gave her, and yet I am not 
thought worthy of an answer. To a more inferior affair 
than this I might have reasonably expected [a reply]. 
Had I been one of the baser sort I could but have been 
unanswered. But I am resolved to put the best construc- 
tion I can on it, for the love I bear to thee, and solace 
myself [with the thought] that she is desirous to conduct 
all her kindness to rne through thee."* 

The conclusion of this second letter, being torn in the 
fold, dropped off and has been lost. There is no date in 
any part of the paper that remains; but its date is likely 
to have been some time during the winter previous to 
Margaret Pell's release. About two months after her 
return home, on the 26th of 6th mo. (October), 1668, 
Thomas Lower and Mary Fell were married at Swarthmoor 
Hall. 

On their marriage, Mary's mother accompanied her and 
her husband to Cornwall ; after spending a little time 
there, making the acquaintance of these new connections, 
Margaret Fell commenced a series of visits to all the jails 
in England where any Friends were imprisoned, visiting 
also as we may presume, according to her custom, the 
families of all those prisoners. This service appears to 
have occupied her about a year. During that period, she 
left Rachel, then about fifteen, at Shacklewell School, near 
London, which had been established for the daughters of 
Friends about a year before. It is much to be regretted 
that none of the letters of that period to her family, or to 
any one, descriptive of her visits among those who were 
prisoners for their Christian faithfulness, are now forth- 
coming. Most of the English prisons in those" days were 
horrible places, and she must have seen the greater 
number of them during that visitation, which extended 

* From ths original, in the possession of John Thompson, of Hitchin. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 271 

from one extremity of the nation to the other. How well 
she must have been fitted as an angel of love and mercy, 
to he sei.t on such a mission, her own past history indi- 
cates. Some Avho knew her well in this connection, speak 
of the remembrances of her visits rising up before them as 
they lay on their miserable prison beds, bringing joy and 
gladness inexpressible. 

Margaret Fell's personal appearance and manners had 
something about them especially pleasing and attractive. 
Judging from some remarks in letters I have lately seen, 
written by three different individuals, her contemporaries, 
this must have been the case in a remarkable degree. They 
allude to her "beaming countenance," and "most sweet 
harmonious voice." One speaks of " the comeliness and 
beauty which our God hath put upon her," and again 
mentions her as ''the fairest among women;" but that 
applied to an earlier period of life than that at which we 
have arrived ; at this time, personal beauty must have 
yielded to advancing years. 

When she had completed her visits to the Friends in 
prison, she went to Bristol to spend a little time with her 
daughter, Isabel Teamans. Whilst there, George Fox 
arrived, and now I must allow him to narrate in his own 
way the details of the change in her history which ensued. 
In his Journal he says : — 

" I had seen from the Lord, a considerable time before, 
that I should take Margaret Fell to be my wife ; and when 
I first mentioned it to her, she felt the answer [of approval] 
from God thereto. But though the Lord had opened this 
unto me, yet I had not received His command for the 
accomplishing of it then ; wherefore I let the thing rest, 
and went on in the work and service of the Lord as before, 
according as He led me, travelling up and down in this 
nation, and through the nation of Ireland. But now after 
I was come back from Ireland, and was come to Bristol, 



272 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

and found Margaret Fell there, it opened in me from the 
Lord, that it should be now accomplished ; and after we 
had discoursed of it together, I told her if she also was 
satisfied with the accomplishing of it now, sbe should first 
send for her children, which she did. And when the rest 
of her daughters were come, I asked both them and her 
sons-in-law, if they had any thing against it, or for it, 
desiring them to speak, and they all severally expressed 
their satisfaction therein. Then I asked Margaret if she 
had fulfilled and performed her husband's will to her 
children: she replied, ' The children know that.'" They 
having answered in the affirmative, and George Fox having 
assured them that he sought no pecuniary advantage by 
this union, he adds, " So after I had acquainted the 
children with it, our intention of marriage was laid before 
Friends, both privately and publicly, to the full satisfaction 
of Friends, many of whom gave testimony that it was of 
God. Afterwards, a meeting being appointed on purpose 
for the accomplishing thereof, in the public meeting-house, 
at Broadmead, in Bristol, we took each other in marriage, 
the Lord joining us together. In the sense thereof, living 
and weighty testimonies were borne thereunto by Friends 
in the movings of the heavenly power which united us 
together. Then was a certificate, relating both the proceed- 
ings and the marriage, openly read and signed by the 
relations, and by most of the ancient Friends of that city, 
besides many other Friends from divers parts of the 
nation." 

The certificate is dated 18th 8 mo., 1669.* 



* That certificate, or a copy, but apparently in Sarali Fell's 
handwriting, is in possession of M. Thirnbeck. It will be found in 
Appendix C. Bridget's name does not appear among the signatures, 
and as George Fox speaks of the rest of M. F.'s daughters having 
com) io their sister Teamans, we must infer that she was then 
dead. 



AND TIIETR FRIENDS. 2Y3 

" After we were married we stayed about a week in 
Bristol, and then went into the country together to Old- 
stone, where, taking our leave of each other in the Lord, 
wc parted, Margaret returning homewards to the north, 
and I passing on in the work of the Lord as before." 

Throughout George Fox's narrative and other contem- 
porary notices of his and M. F.'s marriage, we hear not a 
word respecting George Fell, her only son. Family letters, 
now for the first time since their early dispersion brought 
together and read consecutively, display some painful 
manifestations of his enraged feelings. It is not probable 
from his subsequent conduct, that he knew anything what- 
ever of the step his mother contemplated. Had he known 
he would doubtless have interposed to his utmost, though 
it is by no means probable that his interference would 
have availed. That he was both mortified and incensed to 
a high degree, is no matter of surprise, when we under- 
stand his character and the surrounding circumstances. 
He was not and never had been a Friend. He was a 
barrister, a magistrate, a man of the world, and occupied 
with worldly pursuits ; kept expensive company, and had 
contracted such expensive habits, that his estate and pro- 
fessional income, whatever this might be, were hard set to 
supply the demands which such society and habits entailed. 
He had married one whose taste for gaiety and fashion 
added their quota to family expenses. 

The revelations which the, old Swarthmoor letters have 
brought to light, respecting George Fell's conduct on the 
occasion of his mother's marriage, will be new, I believe, 
to almost every one in this age. We cannot but contem- 
plate with admiration how thoroughly, from first to last, 
all of M. F.'s daughters loved, honoured, and cherished 
George Fox as a true good father. But it could not be 
expected that their brother, without their convictions, 
would view the matter or the man with the same feelings. 



274 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

His mother had an annuity out of the Hawkswell estate ; 
doubtless it was a marriage settlement. She also owned 
(as may be inferred from the following letter, and from 
another of an earlier date) one-third of the Marsh Grange 
estate, the family property of the Askews. She had two 
brothers, and probably John Askew, her father, left his 
estate to be divided between his three children. Judge 
Fell is understood to have purchased Marsh Grange from 
his brothers-in-law after their father's death, but the pur- 
chase must have been only of their two-thirds. By her 
marriage with George Fox she had, according to her late 
husband's will, forfeited her right to Swarthmoor Hall, 
and that portion of the Swarthmoor estate which he left 
to her so long as she remained his widow. Her daughters, 
who were residuary legatees, then became entitled to what 
was thus forfeited ; but, according to his father's will, 
George Fell had no legal claim on it whatever. 

The following letter was written about eight weeks after 
their marriage : — 

George Fox to Margaret Fox. 

Enfield, 23rd 10th mo. [Dec] 1669. 
" Dear Heart, — to whom is my love. Thou mayst have 
some trials, but keep in wisdom and in patience. There 
hath been a great noise about thy son, George Fell, as having 
orders to send thee to Westchester and me to Jersey, which 
I have been desirous should get as little as may be out 
amongst Friends, for Truth's sake. I am informed he hath 
been with Kirby, Monk, and snch-like persons ; and I 
understand his intent is to have Swarthmoor, and that he 
saith thou lost thy right [thereto] by building before being 
married; [and also that thou] cannot have thy third of 
Marsh Grange and the Mills, they being customary estate ; 
and that it cost him 40Z. to get a warrant to save that estatej 
which he might have taken. The agreement thou made 
with him, he says, signifies nothing, thou being a prisoner. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 275 

In all these things thou canst perfectly inform thyself, with 
"wisdom and patience, making as little noise of it as may be- 
Thou canst speak to thy brother Richardson about these 
affairs which are below, and reason quietly with him and 
them, for that keeps the authority and peace. As concerning 
the house, keep over it, and give both it and him up only 
to the Lord's ordering, and see if thou canst preserve a 
part to thyself of that interest thou hast already, whereby 
ye may not be as if banished out of the country by him. 
For if [George] should wholly put thee out of the house it 
might hurt him, even be the destroying of himself. But 
these things I shall leave to the wisdom of God [as mani- 
fested] to thee to do as thou feels. 

" Now if thou should make another agreement in another 
name, it may beget another trouble worse than the former. 
But of this thou canst inform thyself also, and let all things 
be done in peace and quietness and in the power that binds. 
Do not look at, but keep over all unnaturalness from him, 
if any such thing should appear ; keep in that which was, 
and is, and will be [blessed]. If he hath defamed thee at 
Court, thou should come up some time and clear it, that 
such things may be emptied out of their minds, and thou 
come over all his orders, if he have any orders, but I think 
he hath none. But however it be, keep over them all in the 
power of God that doth bind, for that must work [good] 
through all things. 

" No word but my love to thee, Susan, Rachel, and the 
little ones, and Leonard and Mary Fell, and [may] all be 
quiet and patient and keep to the testimony. 

" G. F." 

The foregoing letter was enclosed in the following : — 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

"Newington, 25th 10th mo. [December], 1669. 
" Dear Mother, — In my last I gave thee an account of 
what had passed between my brother Fell and me, and my 



216 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

father's mind concerning it in his own words as- near as I 
could remember. By the above letter thou wilt further 
fully understand his mind. He mentioned before, something 
of thy leaving that dark country ; but on considering that 
thy holding an interest in the house may be a restraint to 
m} r brother's being frequented by bad company, which 
might Avork his ruin, he thinks it may be well if with quiet- 
ness thou can preserve the interest thou hast already in the 
house. 

" My brother and sister Fell, with my uncle Richardson 
dined last Third-day at our house, and my brother and sister 
stayed with us all night. I took an opportunity to inform 
my uncle how my brother had expressed himself in relation 
to thy marriage, and that he intended to get an order to 
send my father prisoner to Jersey, and thee to Westchester. 
My uncle seemed much to dislike it, and said it would be 
very unnatural. I also told him how my [paper torn] had 
offered to refer the whole business to him, and hoped that 
he would do what good offices lay in his power between you. 
I do not think my uncle is any way disaffected towards thee . 
in thy marrying [paper damaged, rendering next sentence 
unintelligible]. [My uncle] wishes him to be more moder- 
ate, both in words and action. When ray uncle was gone, 
my wife and I took occasion to speak further to my brother. 
His views we found much as I advised thee of, in my last, 
A'iz., if thou would leave [Lancashire he would] allow thee 
200 pounds a-year; but at Swarthmoor thou should not stay. 
If thou would not yield to those terms, then he said he 
would get thee sent to prison, and might [paper injured.] 

" We used as many arguments as we could to persuade 
him to * * * * [his duty and right feeling] but could 
not prevail. He hath been for the most part [writing 
obliterated] * * * * out of humor. But my sister 
Fell told me within those few days he hath been more 
lightsome and cheerful than he was before. I suppose 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 27T 

the cause of his coming into more moderation is that he 
hath eased his mind of that weight and burden which the 
extreme prejudice he was in had brought upon him. 

" We inquired of him whether he had in any way scandal- 
ized }-ou to them he had been with about the orders, but he 
would not acknowledge anything. He told us that Colonel 
Kirby had sent for him twice about the order for my father, 
since I had spoken to him, but he had not gone to Kirby, 
and intended to let it lie till he knew what thou would do ; 
and that if thou did not agree, he would have them up, on 
but writing a letter. He is at present pretty easy to deal 
with, and I hope with gentleness may be brought round to 
much ; but I had hard work before I could bring him to 
anything, and was for a time in doubt whether anything 
could be done with him. But when his temper began to 
fall, he came down apace, and I believe is not insensible of 
the benefit thereof, being much eased in his mind. For 
a while he reflected on me, and asked why I concerned 
nryself more than the rest of his brothers and sisters. I 
told him I had no end in view but to work reconciliation 
among near relatives, and that he might not be led to do 
things that would make everybody cry out against him. 
I said, to pacify him, when he was urging how thou had 
discredited him, that whosoever knew you both, would judge 
that thou had done thy own mind in it, not his, and that it 
would be ridiculous whatever they thought about it, to 
reflect on him. I further told him it was very likely that 
those who would be most forward in helping him to get 
the orders, would only be gratifying themselves in revenge 
on j^ou both to see you at difference. He said it was likely 
it might be so. We had much more discourse to like 
effect, which would be too long to relate. On Fourth-day, 
in the afternoon, we parted very lovingly. At his going 
away he expressed himself with more affection to my wife 
than I have known to have come from him to her these 
many years. He hath promised to come and see us again 



278 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

before he goeth out of town, so that we expect him again 
to-morrow, and then we intend to see what further can be 
done in relation to Swarthmoor, and offer to his considera- 
tion my sisters' concerns in the country. I do think much 
may be done with him by degrees, if more be not put on 
him than he can well bear. I know the Lord hath so en- 
dowed thee with wisdom that thou wilt understand how to 
deal with him. 

" We went on Fourth-day evening to my father, at Enfield, 
and stayed with him till yesterday morning ; I took down 
the foregoing letter from him, which he ordered me to copy 
fair. He will be anxious to hear from thee of how things 
go. We expect him in town this night or to-morrow morning 
but we do not expect he will stay long. We received thy 
letter yesterday, and do bless the Lord, the Author of all 
our mercies, for the continuance of thine, my sisters', and 
our little ones' welfare. My wife and I are both well, and 
remember our dear love to thee, my sisters, and Friends. 
In haste I rest thy dear Son, 

" John Rous. 

" Since I concluded my letter my brother Fell was with 
us, but we cannot prevail anything with him about Swarth- 
moor." 

The letter is thus endorsed : — " My honoured Grand- 
father Fox's letter to my honoured Grandmother, together 
with one from Uncle Rous." — Thus directed : — 

" To Rachel Fell for M. F. this at 
Swarthmoor. To be left with John 
Higgins, in Lancaster."* 

Although no letter remains to state further respecting 
George Fell's proceedings concerning his mother for the 

* From the originals of the above remarkable letters, which are in 
M. Tliimbeck's collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 279 

next three or four months, it is certain that she an 1 her 
daughters did not yield to his unwarrantable demand that 
they should leave Swarthmoor. Early in 1670 George 
Fox and his wife were, by mutual appointment, to have 
met in Leicestershire ; but when he got there he says : — ■ 
" Instead of meeting with my wife, I heard that she was 
haled out of her house and carried to Lancaster prison 
again, by an order gotten from the King and Council to 
fetch her back to prison upon the old premunire." Although 
she had been liberated from imprisonment by the King, 
the sentence still hung over her, and Colonel Kirby her 
neighbour, and a most bitter enemy to her and to G-eorge 
Fox, and to all Friends, knowing that the meetings were 
still kept up at the Hall, was anxious for any pretext 
wherebj- he might see her laid in prison again. He did all 
in his power to urge her son forward in his cruel and un- 
dutiful conduct to his mother. In this he was too succesful, 
as indicated by the following letter : — 

Thomas Lower to Margaret Fox. 

London, 16th 2nd mo. [April], 1670. 
" Dear Mother, — Thine of the 10th instant I received, 
and had intentions before I received it to have written 
unto thee had nothing obstructed it, but I delayed from 
the want of an opportunity to speak with my father touch- 
ing our future settlement, which opportunity we could not 
obtain through the multiplicity of affairs that at this 
juncture he is involved in; and so I forbore writing till I 
had something fuller to tell. We have since received a 
letter about thy re-commitment ; when first we received 
the information thereof, I was more grieved for my 
brother's barbarous and unnatural actions towards thee 
than for thy confinement, for it will tend to thy more 
certain preservation, and only hasten his woe and sorrow 
that hath procured it. We were this day with our father, 
and showed the letter to him ; he is sorry for my brother 



280 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

Fell's carriage towards thee in this matter. From thence 
we went to Luke's, I, and my wife, and sister Sarah. We 
found not brother at home, hut we spared not to lay before 
his wife the treacherous dealings of her husband in his 
bringing down the order ; and also to manifest to her the 
odiousness of the fact in general view, which would have 
been abominable even amongst heathen. She confidently 
denied that her husband or she knew anything of it, or 
that he had carried it clown or was in any way privy to it. 
After much plain dealing with her, we left it to the just | 
judgment of the Lord, who would assuredly recompense 
on the doers of it the like measure in His own due time. 
Thus we parted from her, but she still pleaded not guilty. 
Indeed the action is so bad that all who hear of it are 
ashamed [to think it true]. My brother, the Doctor, wall 
scarce believe that brother Fell had any hand in it. But 
it is too apparent that it was of his procuring. 

" I suppose my dear wife has given thee an account of 
the service of John Ranee's (medical) administrations. 
Since we came here my brother hath given her such medi- 
cine as he thought most proper ; and, indeed, she is much 
mended in her health and complexion, and I hope she will 
be much bettered by it as to her future welfare. But 
they all judge (John Ranee and others) that travelling 
much will impair her health. My father judges that our 
best way were to return into Cornwall, and build up 
Penan e and live there. Therefore I fear if we should 
come down to Lancashire, and then return to Cornwall, it 
may be very prejudicial to my wife's health, and marr 
what all her physic hath mended. To come down into 
Lancaster to abide, my father doth not approve of. "Where- 
fore, unless thou judge that I or my wife can be serviceable 
unto thee, or dost see that it will be necessary for us to 
come down to Lancashire, I think we shall return to 
Bristol, and so into Cornwall. Therefore I hope by the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 281 

next post, after the receipt of this, thou -will full}' declare 
thy mind touching this matter. 

" My father hath taken a cold, but is still walking 
from meeting to meeting. I have not time to add much 
more, only nry father's and mine, and my dear wife's and 
sister Sarah's dear love unto thee and our sisters. We 
are glad to hear of my sister's intention to indict the 
rioters, and make them and nry brother know their folly. 
I have no time to add more, and therefore rest, 

"Thy clearly loving Son, 

" Thomas Lower. 

' ; The King is out of town, and will not come in for ten 
days. Sister Sarah would know whether she should stay 
to speak with him or no. She desires thee to tell her by 
next post."* 

Sarah doubtless had her mother's reply to remain till 
she could see the King, for she stayed till his return, and 
then the two sisters waited on him at the palace and 
solicited an order for their mother's release, which he 
readily promised. Charles never seemed inclined to refuse 
the Fell ladies any personally solicited favour that was in 
his ovn power to grant ; but he sometimes promised what 
he did not fulfil, when other influences were brought to 
bear upon him from other directions. However, on this 
occasion he was as good as his word, for after a little delny 
they received the order ; and immediately John and Mar- 
garet Rous, with Sarah, hastened to Lancaster to see its 
requisitions carried out. The sheriff, when applied to, in 
conjunction with Kirby (and other magistrates), raised 
difficulties on the ground of the Conventicle Act, which 
the intolerant party of the Episcopal Church had recently 
succeeded in getting renewed. What pretext they could 
draw from that renewal for evading the royal order then 

* From the or'ginal .'n the Devonshire House Collection. 



282 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

presented, is hard to conceive. However, by some sort of 
construction they contrived to set it aside. 

John Rons and his wife returned to London sadly 
disappointed indeed at the result, but only the more deter- 
mined to continue their utmost exertions to obtain an 
authoritative release for their beloved mother. 

As regards George, the most favourable view we can 
take of his conduct, still proves it to have been very 
heartless, though probably he was not guilty in the way 
intimated by Thomas Lower when he wrote the foregoing 
lette:". Most bitterly did that proud son make his poor 
mother to feel " How much sharper than a serpent's tooth 
is an ungrateful child." It seems most probable that he 
did not personalty, either procure or carry down the order 
for his mother's re-eommitment ; but it is evident he was 
in the first instance privy to the plan, and that he did not 
continue to interpose, as he perhaps could have done, to 
prevent Kirby and others from carrying it out. Be this 
as it ma}", his own previous tin-eats had naturally caused 
his brother-in-law to think the very worst, even worse than 
the fact. 

The following letters indicate some of the efforts that 
were made by John Rous after his return to Loudon, to 
secure the liberation of his mother-in-law : — 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

Londqn, 28th 4th mo. [June], 1670. 
" Dear Mother, — We were yesterday with Sir Francis 
Cobbe, who had read thy paper, and told us the King 
w T as so sad for the death of his sister that he received no 
business. I desired him to do us the kindness to get it 
read in the Council, and he said he would advise us to give 
it to one of the clerks who might get it read, but my 
father* doth not approve of that way. Sir Francis Cobbe 
was in haste, and spake to us to come to him to-morrow 

* George Fox. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 283 

and he would advise us further. If we find he doth not or 
cannot do anything, we may get something given to the 
King at White Hall. 

" The meetings were generally all disturbed yesterday, 
hut none fined or committed to prison that I heard of. 
My father was at Ratcliff on First-day, where Friends were 
kept out ; he spoke and prayed, and Friends parted 
quietly. The Sessions is this week at Hicks's Hall, where 
they have been endeavouring to indict the seven Friends 
in prison for a riot, but cannot by law frame an indictment 
against them. They make very great havoc in several 
parts of the country, but Friends are kept in the dominion 
of Truth. 

" My father was well last night. My wife, this morning 
who is gone to Betty Baylie's marriage, meets me this 
night at Edward Brooks his house. 

" My dear love is remembered to my sisters and friends. 
" I rest, thy dearly loving Son, 

" John Rous. 

" P. S. — Colonel Kirby was last First-day at Horsley- 
down, and that day week at the Peel, but he finds not the 
justices here as forward as they used to be in the North."* 

The above letter is thus endorsed in George Fox's hand- 
writing, — " J. Rous to M. F. [about being] at White Hall," 
re-endorsed in another hand, — " The above writing, as it is 
upon this and the back of many of these letters, was writ 
by my dear and precious Grandfather, George Fox. ' Uncle 
Rous to my dear and honoured Grandmother.' " 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

London, 2nd 5th mo. [July], 1670. 
" Dear Mother, — We were last Fourth-day with Sir 
Francis Cobbe, who told us that they were very much 
offended at White Hall, because they were informed several 

* From tie original in t'.iu Shackleton Collection. 



284 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

meetings had been at the House since the Act came into 
force ;* and that for the present he can no ways serve thee, 
lie "wished with all his heart he could. I perceive Colonel 
Kirby is the informer, and that he still appears on all 
occasions very much opposed. But Sir Francis saith, if it 
lie in his power hereafter to do anything, he shall be very 
willing. He was very fair and civil towards us. 

" Yesterday, b} r John Scott, the Preston carrier, I sent a 
small box of sugar for present use, directed for Thos. Green. 
The hasp was sealed as this letter is, and in it was a white 
mantle and a white sarsnet hood for tine, and some play- 
things for the children. I intend to send the jack my sister 
Sarah writ for, and some more sugar, when I can get car- 
riage cheaper than by the carrier. 

'' The Friends that were prisoners are released till next 
sessions. I hear they intended to indict them for a riot, 
but could not frame an indictment according to law. Several 
Friends in the country have been great sufferers for fines 
levied on them. From Thomas Bishop, at Walton-upon- 
Thames, they have taken awa}' almost all that he had, not 
leaving him, his wife and the children, so much as a bed to 
lie on, or anything to eat, as I hear. 

'• I do something wonder that thou received only my wife's 
letter, I having writ twice every week since ; she was well 
this morning, and our dear love is to thee and our sisters. 

" Thou may let James or Leonard Fell know that James 
his horse is still lame at Coventry and cannot be sold, that 
if care be not taken his charge in a little time will be more 
than his worth. 

" I rest, thy dearly loving Son, 

" John Rous."f 

* The A<t against Conventicles, which came into operation in 
1664, only lasted for three years, which term had expired in 1667. 
In 1670 it was revived, and again came into operat-on in April of 
that year. 

f From the original in the Devonshire House Collection. 



and their friends. 2^5 

John Rous to Sarah Fell. 

•'London, 8th of 9th mo. [November], 1670. 

" Dear Sister, — Thine, by Sixth-day's post, I received 
yesterday, and am something surprised with the account 
thou gives me of rny mother's and your affairs. In regard 
to ray sister Fell's wilfulness and foolishness, I always 
feared she would do as bad if not much worse than her hus- 
band, and she hath a crooked generation to be her advisers 
if she take counsel of her kindred, who no doubt will do the 
worst the}' can. 

" I shall be very careful about my mother's business, and 
do what I can in it. 

" My father continues weak and hath had two shaking fits 
of ague. The meetings were indifferently quiet last First- 
day except at the Peel; the soldiers beat several and hurt 
one very sorely. 

" My dear love is remembered to you all. In haste I 
rest, 

" Thy dearly loving Brother, 

" John Rous."* 

Thus directed :— " For Sarah Fell. This to be 
left with Thomas Green, 
Grocer, in Lancaster." 

A few weeks prior to the recommitment of Margaret 
Fox, she had a letter from Ellis Hooks, describing an 
interview that a sailor Friend, named Richard Carver, had 
with the King. This honest seaman had aided the escape 
of Charles from England at a time when a large reward, 
offered by Parliament for his discovery, was advertised 
throughout the nation. But unlike the numerous appli- 
cants who, grounding claims on such aid, pleaded after 
the restoration for place or pension, Carver put in no 

- The or'ginal of the above is in James Dix's Collection of 
Swarthmoor Letters. . , 



286 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

personal claim. He asked no favour of the King whom 
he had served in his hour of peril for full nine years after 
the royal fugitive had taken his seat on the English throne. 
Then at length he came forward, not on his own behalf, 
but to beg of the monarch a release from prison of his 
persecuted brethren. 

The original of the letter in question, which is as 
follows, is in the Swarthmoor MSS. at Devonshire House, 
London : — 

Ellts Hooks to Margaret Fox. 

" London, 16th of 11th mo., 1669. [ Old style.] 

" Dear M. F., — I received thy letter from Bristol, and 
shall be as ready to answer thy desire to write to thee 
sometimes as ever ; for I honour thee — very dear thou art 
unto me in the precious truth. I had parted with G. F., 
but have been [again] with him all this day : he is very 
well. 

" Yesterday there was a Friend with the King, one that 
is John Groves' mate. He was the man that was mate to 
the master of the fisher-boat that carried the King away 
after he went from Worcester fight, and only this man and 
the master knew of it in the ship. This Friend carried 
him [the King] ashore on his shoulders. The King knew 
him again, and was very friendly to him, and told him he 
remembered him, and [spake] of several things that were 
done in the ship at the time. The Friend told him the 
reason why he did not come all this while was that he was 
satisfied in that he had peace in himself; that he did what 
he did to relieve a man in distress ; and now he desired 
nothing of the King but that he would set Friends at 
liberty who were great sufferers — or to that purpose. He 
told the King he had a paper of 110 that were premunired, 
and had lain in prison about six years. So the King took 
the paper, and. said there were many of them, and that 
they would be in again in a month's time — th..t the coun- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 287 

try gentlemen complained to him that they ■were so 
troubled with the Quakers : he said he would release him 
six. But the Friend thinks to go to him again, for he had 
not fully relieved himself. 

" I am in haste, and cannot write so largely as I may 
when I have more time ; it being late ; but rest tlvy loving 
friend, 

" E. H." 

The letter has the post-mark outside, and is thus ad- 
dressed : — 

" For Thomas Green, shop- 
keeper in Lancaster ; — • 
For M. F." 

When laj-ing it aside for perservation it has been, like 
so many other Swarthmoor letters, endorsed by George 
Fox. The endorsement is as follows in G. F.'s hand- 
writing : — " E. Hooks to M. F. of paseges consarning 
Richard Carver that carred the King on his backe, 1669." 

In a letter written b} r Ellis Hooks to George Fox a few 
weeks after the foregoing, the following passage occurs : 
" As to the Friend that was with the King, his love is to 
thee. He has been with the King lately, and Thomas 
Moore was with him, and the King was very loving to 
them. He had a fair and free opportunity to open his 
mind to the King, and the King has promised to do for 
him [what he could] but willed hirn to wait a month or two 
longer." 

I cannot find any record or letter which tells further 
as to how much or how little the King did for Richard 
Caller's sake towards the enlargement of those for whom 
he interceded. It is certain that just about that time there 
existed in other quarters a determination, if possible, to 
revive the cruel Conventicle Act. In the face of this deter- 
mination, we may well doubt the probability of Charles 
being then able to do all he might wish, when asked by one 



288 THE FELLS OP SWARTTTMOOR HALL, 

to whom he was under much obligation. However, after 
the lapse of another year or two's fierce but unavailing 
persecution through the operation of the Act in question, 
a release did at last come, early in 1612, to all the 
premunired Quaker prisoners throughout the nation, and 
this from the King's direct order. Whether the remem- 
brance of Carver's intercession had anything to do in secur- 
ing or prompting this release is uncertain, as no allusion 
is made to him in connection with it. 

The event with which this Quaker seaman was associated 
— the escape to France of Charles II. after the battle of 
Worcester in 1651 — was preceded by adventures of thrill- 
ing interest. He found refuge for a time in Boscobel 
House, hence the sketches, some by himself, which tell of 
his adventurous wandering at that time, are published in a 
volume called the " Boscobel Tracts." For forty days, 
under various disguises, he moved from place to place ; 
and eventually, having arrived at Brighton, then an incon- 
siderable place — a mere fishing station — his friends engaged 
the captain of a fishing smack to land him and Lord 
Wilmot in France. The account which Charles himself 
gave of their crossing the English Channel is printed in 
the Boscobel tracts as follows : — 

" About four in the morning myself and our company 
before named went towards Shoreham, taking the ma ter 
of the ship with us on horseback behind one of our com- 
pany, and came to the vessel's side, which was not above 
sixty tons. But it being low water and the vessel lying 
dry, I and Lord Wilmot got up with a ladder into her, and 
went and lay down in the little cabin till the tide came to 
fetch us off. We stood over to the coast of France, the 
wind being then full north ; and the next morning, a little 
before day, we saw the coast. But the tide failing us, and 
the wind coming about to the south-west, we were forced 
to come to an anchor within two miles of the shore till 
flood tide. We found ourselves just before a harbour in 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 289 

Fiance, called Feschanip. Just as the tide of ebb was made 
we espied a vessel to leeward of us, which, by her nimble 
working, I suspected to be an Ostend privateer. Upon 
which 1 went to my Lord Wilmot, telling him my opinion 
of that ship, and proposing to him our going ashore in the 
cock boat, for fear it should prove so : — we accordingly 
both went ashore in the cock boat, and the next day got 
to Rouen." 

King Charles does not tell in the above that ultimately 
forsaking the cock boat, he and Lord Wilmot were carried 
through the shallow water on men's backs. Nevertheless 
•it is very certain that this exiled King of England reached 
the land of France on the shoulders of a Quaker; and he 
acknowledged this fact very fully, when speaking to the 
parties acquainted with the transaction. 



CHAPTER XXI. 

1670 -1672. 

Revival of the Conventicle Act — Letter from J. Rous to 
Sarah Fell, telling op Wm. Penn's and Wm. Meade's 

imprisonment john stubbs to margaret fox — margaret 

Rous to her Mother — John Rous to Margaret Fox — M. F.'s 
Release from Prison — George Fox and others go to the 
West Indies — J. Rous to M. Fox, from Babbadoes — from 
Kingston. 

The spirit of persecution was now rampant. The Con- 
ventule Act, which did not suffer more than five persons 
to meet together for religious purposes, otherwise than 
according to the established forms, without being liable to 
its severe penalties, again became a dreadful instrument in 
the hands of the dominant clergy. Clauses had been added 
on its renewal which rendered it even more stringent than 
before. One of these set forth, that its provisions were to 
be construed " most largely and beneficially for the sup- 



290 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

pressing of conventicles, and for the justification and 
encouragement of all persons to be employed in the execu- 
tion thereof." This, taken in connexion with the fact 
that one-third of the heavy fines imposed went to the 
informer in case of conviction, may give some idea of the 
temptations it held out to those who were easily corrupted, 
to aid the prosecutors in their cruel work by any means 
they could contrive. 

Neal, in his " History of the Puritans," says " the Act 
was executed with such severity, that many industrious 
families were reduced to poverty, and many of the London 
trading men were removing with their effects to Holland 
till the King put a stop to it." After alluding to the 
various contrivances of the Nonconformist ministers to 
evade the Act, he thus describes the conduct of the Friends 
under it : — 

" The behaviour of the Quakers was very extraordinary, 
and had something in it that looked like the spirit of 
maitysdom. They met at the same place and hour as in 
times of liberty, and when the officers came to seize them 
none of them would stir ; they went all together to prison ; 
the} 7 stayed there till they were dismissed, for they would 
not petition to be set at libert} 7 , nor pay the fines set upon 
them, nor so much as the prison fees. When they were dis- 
charged they went to their meeting-house again as before ; 
and when the doors were shut by order, they assembled in 
great numbers in the street before the doors, saying they 
were not ashamed, nor afraid to own meeting together in a 
peaceable manner to worship God, but in imitation of the 
prophet Daniel, they would do it the more publicly because 
they were forbid. Some called this obstinacy, others firm- 
ness ; but by it they carried their point, the Government 
getting weary of contending against so much resolution." 

Neal's description is not quite correct when he says 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 291 

" they went altogether to prison," and that they would not 
petition to be released. None went except those upon whom 
the officers laid violent hands, and whenever they thought 
a truthful representation or personal appeal would be of 
use, they were not slow to petition. It was whilst these 
persecuting scenes were at their height, that John Rous 
wrote to his sister in-law the following letter : — 

John Rous to Sarah Fell. 

"Wandsworth, 15th of 6th mo. [August], 1670. 

" Dear Sister, — I received thine of the 11th instant, and do 
bless the Lord for all your welfare. The enclosed for sister 
Lower I shall get sent by the next post, and that to nw 
father as soon as I have an opportunity. I have not heard 
from him since I left him, which was the reason I did not 
write by last Third-day's post, having come from him 
but that morning. 

" Meetings (generally) yesterday were pretty quiet to 
what they have been sometimes. I was at Gracious-street 
meeting which was in the street, and, as near as I could 
judge, several thousands at it. But by reason of the multi- 
tude of rude people who come mostly to gaze, it was more 
like a tumult than a solid assembly, which was no small 
grief to me to see. William Penn was there, and spoke 
most that was spoken ; there were some watchmen with 
halberts and musketeers who came to take him down while 
he was speaking ; but the multitude crowded so close that 
they could not get to him. To prevent further disturbance, 
he promised when the meeting was over to go to them ; and 
so he and one William Meade, who is lately convinced, 
went to them. They carried them before the Mayor, who 
committed them for a riot. I hear the Mayor was very 
rough with William Penn. Thomas Beedle was committed 
from Horsleydown meeting for speaking there. Many of 
the Professors' meetings were also broken up, and some 



292 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

committed ; "but they skulk very much into holes and 
corners, and when discovered there, fly away. 

" I Lave not much further to add, but that we are all 
well, and remember our dear love to my mother, thyself, 
our sister, H. Hall, and our little one. 

" Thy dearly loving Brother, 

"J. R."* 

The expression '' one William Meade" indicates that he 
who afterwards became Sarah's husband was at that time 
a stranger to the writer, and probably to her also. 

The famous trial of William Penn and William Meade 
which followed, commenced at the Old Bailey just two 
weeks after the date of the foregoing letter. Hepworth 
Dixon, in his Life of William Penn, describes this memor- 
able trial; he says: — " Eveiything considered — the char- 
acter of the men, the interests at issue, the cause of the 
proceedings, and the final results, this is perhaps the most 
important trial that ever took place in England. Penn 
stood before his Judges in this celebrated scene, not so 
much as a Quaker pleading for the rights of conscience, as 
an Englishman contending for the ancient and impre- 
scriptible liberties of his race. The special law on which 
he was arraigned, he knew very well that he had violated, 
and intended again and again to violate. His religious 
friends took the same view of the case ; they acknowledged 
the Conventicle Act to be in force according to the mere 
forms of jurisprudence, but they contended that it was in 
direct contradiction to the Divine laws, and therefore not 
binding. Better versed in his couutiy's history, Penn 
disputed its legality. He held it to be in equal hostility 
to the Bible and to the Great Charter."f 

Whilst under the Conventicle Act the Friends were 



* From the Benson Collect'on. 

f Life of Win. Penn, by W. H. Dixon, page 86. 



AND THEIR FRTENDS. 293 

taken up and sen*: to prison in great numbers in the vain 
attempt to extinguish Quakerism, George Fox was suffering 
from a very severe and protracted illness, from which most 
who saw him thought he would never recover. His strength 
seemed gone, so also his sight and hearing, but his ever 
active vigorous mind was still at work. Thus he states '• 
— "I went to the widow Drie's, at Enfield, and there I 
lay all that winter, warring in spirit wi;h the evil spirits 
of the world that warred against Truth and Friends. Fur 
there were great persecutions at this time ; some meeting- 
houses were plucked down, and man}- were broken up by 
soldiers. Sometimes a troop of horse or a company of 
foot would come and break their swords, carbines, muskets, 
and pikes, with beating Friends, many of whom they so 
wounded, that their blood lay in the streets. Amongst 
others that were active in this cruel persecution at London, 
wns mj old adversary, Colonel Kirby, who would often 
inquire for me at the meetings he broke up." 

The following letter shows how low he was after his 
removal to Enfield : — 

John Stubbs to Margaret Fox. 
"Exfield, at Widow Drie's house, SothofSthmo. [October], 1670. 
" Dearly beloved and honoured in the Truth, — I am with 
thy dear husband, who is recovering, I hope. Yesterday 
in the afternoon I had a fine opportunity to speak my mind 
to him, being alone with him in his chamber. I told him 
I expected to have a few lines from thee that night, but it 
proved otherwise. He bid me write to thee, and his words 
were these : — ' Tell her I have been so ill that I could not 
write, but now I am better. — blessed be the Lord, — praises 
be to the Lord ! — mind nry love to them all.' He had 
better rest last night than formerly. I continue here near 
him for I see it is my place and I have peace in it. He 
enquires every post for letters, but in few words. If thou 
please in writing to him thou mayst direct them to me in 



294 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

cover to Henry Salter, at the Black Lion Inn, Bishop's Gate, 
or to Edward Mons. I have not much to add at present, 
but that meetings were pretty peaceable in London the last 
First-day, and also at Horsleydown. 

" Thy servant in the Truth, 

'' John Stubbs. 
" p. S. — He bid me also to tell thee that great has been 
the tenderness and the care of Friends to him, and nothing 
wanting. Two or three women sit up every night, and I 
sometimes. Men Friends formerly sat up, but now two 
good women Friends constantly. I would be glad to write 
every week if thou would order me so to do."* 

Our next letter is from 

Margaret Rous to her Mother, Margaret Fox. 

"Enfield, 14th9thmo. [November], 1670. 

" Dear Mother, — I am now at Elizabeth Drie's with my 
father, who, blessed be the Lord, is pretty finely, though 
weakly still, but much more at ease than some time ago. 
According to outward appearance, his distemper hath been 
fever and ague, which have now nearly disappeared, only 
a little chilliness once in twenty -four hours, and it is 
quickly over. However, he cloth not himself look upon it 
to be any of these things. His body hath been under great 
suffering, but, blessed be the name of the Most High, there 
is no likehood but that in a little time he may recover his 
strength again ; which thou wilt have notice of. So I hope 
thou wilt not trouble thyself with any fear about his well- 
doing, for there is no doubt but in the Lord's time he will 
be as well as ever he hath been. All along he hath made 
much inquiry after thee, and always on the post-clay before 
letters came. I told him I was about writing to thee, and 
he bid me remember his clear love, and that he desired the 

* From the cr'g'nal in the Shackleton Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 295 

Lord God Almighty would strengthen thee, — that thou 
should be comfortable, and cheerful in the life of Truth 
which is over all else. 

" So with dear and tender love to thee, desiring greatly 
to hear of thy being eased of thy burden, and with my 
dtar love to my own little ones and to sister, I rest, 
" Thy truly loving Daughter, 

" M. Rous.' 1 * 

As the winter passed over, the invalid gradually im- 
proved — the return of spring brought with it the return of 
health. Seeing then that the spirit of persecution had 
somewhat abated, George Fox resolved to have another 
appeal made to the King respecting his wife's release from 
prison. He says : — " I was moved to speak to Martha 
Fisher and another women Friend to go to the King about 
her liberty. They went in faith in the Lord's power, and 
the Lord gave them favour with the King, so that he 
granted a discharge under the broad-seal to clear both her 
and her estate, after having been seven years a premunired 
prisoner, the like [of such discharge] was then scarcely to 
be heard in England." 

Thus was her release announced to the prisoner herself: — 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

"London, 4th 2nd mo. [April], 1671. 

" Dear Mother, — According to mj intention [mentioned] 
in m} r last to sister Sarah, something presenting worth 
advising I take the opportunity of informing thee by this 
post. Last Sixth-day the two women Friends took the 
grant out of the Attorney-General's office, and he gave 
them his fee, which suould have been five pounds, and his 
clerk took but twenty shillings, whereas his fee was forty. 

* From the original in the Devonshire House Collection. 



296 THE FELLS OF SWARTHM00R HALL, 

Yesterday they went with it to the King, who signed it in 
the Council ; and Arlington also signed it, but would take 
no fees — whereas his fees would have been 12 or 20 pounds. 
Neither would Williamson's man take anything, saying 
that if any religion be true it is ours. To-morrow it is to 
pass the signet, and on Sixth-day, the privy seal, and after- 
wards the broad seal, which may be done on any day. The 
power of the Lord hath bowed their hearts wonderfully. 
Blessed be His name for ever ! 

" My father is now at London, and pretty well ; his dear 
love is to thee and the children. I think he may come 
down to our house in a little time. My wife is well and 
now at London, and our little boy was well [when I saw 
him] yesterday. 

" I believe when the business is effected that my father 
will send me down on purpose with it. John Salthouse is 
come up to London to seek employment, his trade being 
decayed in the country ; I desire if thou knows anything of 
him that thou would inform me, for I would willingly do 
him all the kindness I can for his brother's sake. 

" Mine and my wife's dear love is remembered to thee, 
our sisters, and little ones. 

" I rest thy dear Son, 

" John Rous."* 

The patent of release was soon perfected, and all duly 
sent down. The sheriff of Lancaster and local magistrates 
having then no excuse for delay, the prisoner was forthwith 
liberated. We may imagine but cannot fully describe the 
joy and heartfelt thankfulness to the Lord with which the 
removal of that heavy sentence was hailed by this emanci- 
pated Christian, as once more she emerged from her gloomy 
castle prison to cross over the sands of the Bay to her own 
dear home. 



* From the original in the Devonshire House Collection. 



AND TIIETR FRIENDS. 297 

"For at that hour the very earth seemed chan~ed beneath her eye, 
A holy beauty rising up, to the blue vault of the sky; 
A lovely light on rock and hill, and stream and woodland lay, 
As softly swept o'er sunny sands, the waters of the Bay, 
' Thanksgiving to the Lord of Life ! to Him all praises be 
TTho from the hands of evil men hath set his handmaid free ! 
Let all dear hearts with me rejoice, as did the sa'nts of old 
When of the Lord's good angel the rescued Peter told : 
For He who cooled the furnace, and smoothed the stormy wave, 
And tamed the Chaldean lions, is mighty still to save.' " 

Children, grand-children, and friends rejoicing with her 
in the fulness of their hearts, were at Swarthmoor to meet 
her. However, her stay at home was brief; for the yearly 
meeting of Friends in London Toeing near, her husband 
wrote asking her to join him there, and informing her also 
of a prospect he had before him of Gospel labor in the 
West Indies. She came np at once, accompanying John 
Rous on his return, and remaining at his house at Kingston- 
on-Thames with her husband, while preparations were 
making for this voyage. About four months elapsed from 
the time of his wife's liberation until George Fox's depar- 
ture. The party consisted of twelve persons beside him- 
self; three of whom were John Rous, John Stubbs, and 
William Edmundson from Ireland. They sailed first for 
Barbadoes, the early home of John Eous, as before stated, 
and in which island he seems to have had property, 
and where his father still resided. He had, therefore, social 
as well as religious attractions. The following letter refers 
to some circumstances he met with on and after his 
arrival : — 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

"Barbadoes, 7th of 10th mo. [December], 1671. 

" Dear Mother, — My dear love salutes thee and my sister. 
You are often in my remembrance, though the seas are 
wide which separate us. 



298 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" The love of the Lord hath been great to us since we 
came hither, for Truth gets dominion, and is of good 
authority in this island. Many considerable persons from 
all parts come to our meetings and are well affected, which 
makes the devil rage and fly to his old refuge of lies — 
floods of which through his servants he hath cast forth 
against the Truth and the servants of Truth ; but they do 
not prevail. There hath been several of John Pennirnan's 
papers spread abroad, and a great promoter of them is an 
old apostate, one Ben Pearser, a flax-woman's son, in Wood- 
street, who hath been among the Ranters, and is an 
instrument fit for all manner of wickedness, having run 
away from his wife, whom he took among Friends. This 
beast of a man is much applauded by [some of] the priests 
and their followers, but loathed and abhoiTed by all sober 
people. They have called an assembly since we came 
[intending to pass] some laws against Friends, but hitherto 
have been prevented. They say they are about to make an 
act like that in England, that no more than five persons 
shall meet together; but the same God that hath given 
dominion there, I doubt not will give dominion* here also. 

" My father [G. F.] after his arrival here, suffered from 
much weakness for about five or six weeks, but now, blessed 
be the Lord, he is very well and goeth abroad to meetings ; 
and Friends are much refreshed with him. That day 
week, after we came to the island, there was a gi'eat hur- 
ricane, which cast ashore several vessels and sloops. The 
' James Gilbert,' and two others were lost, — much damage 
was done throughout the island — it is thought to the value 
of one hundred thousand pounds sterling. 

" When I came hither, contrary to my expectation, I 
found my father [Thomas Rous] married : I believe there 



* The word dominion as used above, must mean enduring all the 
punishments inflicted, without shr'nking, till their enemies found 
persecution could not put them down. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 299 

were several Friends more forward in it than they should 
have been, and among them Lewes Morris not the least 
concerned. My father ha h secured a maintenance to her 
in case of his death occurring before hers. He hath 
acknowledged a judgment to Lewes Morris and two more 
in trust, to pa}- her a thousand pounds immediately after 
his death ; but I do not see how that judgment can in any 
way diminish iny rights. I am promised a copy of the 
judgment and other records relating to it, and I am told 
that the clerk of the Court, who is an understanding man, 
saith it will take no place of mine. I have sent to Thomas 
Yoakiey a copy of the first settlement upon our marriage, 
and several queries, to take counsel's opinion on, in reference 
to the judgment; but I am very silent about it here — not 
discovering m} r thoughts, lest I should put her up to new 
devices. She is a notable cunning woman, and hath great 
power over my father ; and is of a fair carriage among 
Friends, so that she is esteemed by them bej^ond her worth. 
A few lines from thee to my father might be serviceable, 
to advise him to deal fairly and equally by me, for though 
nrv mother be dead and he hath married another, that should 
in no wa} r draw him to diminish that which he hath already 
settled on me. But I desire what thou writes may be gently, 
for if he be any way raised in his spirit, he will do the worse 
for it. 

" Thomas Briggs and William Edmundson are gone down 
to the Leeward Islands, and Lewes Morris is gone with 
them. I am not yet certain what time in the spring to 
return. But I think it necessarj' now I am here to take 
back with me as much sugar as I can get. 

" I have not much further to add, but the remembrance 
of my dear love to you all, and to Friends. 

" I rest thy dear Son, 

" John Rous.* 

* From the original, in possession of "Wm. Miller, of Edinburgh. 



300 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

When spring came round, Margaret Rous was anxiously 
looking out for news of her husband's return. Letters from 
over sea could not at that time be calculated on as now ; 
but to add to their uncertainty just then, war was raging, 
and privateers infested the seas. Margaret had hoped to 
have had her sister Yeamans with her during a time of 
trial that was approaching ; but William Yeamans was an 
anxious delicate man, who did not like his wife on any 
occasion to be away from him, therefore she could not bring 
herself to ask him ; so poor Margaret was left lonely enough. 
But He who had been her support and refuge heretofore, 
proved a present help in that needful time. Thus she wrote 
to her mother : — 



Margaret Rous to Margaret Fox. 

" Kingston, the 28th of the 2nd mo. [April], 1672. 

"Dear Mother, — Yesterday I received thine of the 18th 
instant, and am very glad to hear of thy wellbeing. I am 
still afoot, and am pretty well, through the goodness and 
mercy of my Heavenly Father, whose infinite and everlasting 
[power] hath been my support, in whom my confidence 
abides, and as I am found in that, let me be near unto all 
that know the Lord, and His blessed truth, even as I am 
found in that which reconciles unto God, and keeps un- 
spotted by the world. I have had two letters from m} r dear 
father from Jamaica, in them both he bids remember his 
dear love to you and to all our relations. I have not heard 
from Barbadoes this great while, and doth not know when 
to have any expectation of my husband's coming. The 
children are all pretty well, blessed be the Lord. Ann Pitb 
is with me, and hath been this week. My sister Yeamans 
had notice time enough by Francis Rod, but she wrote me 
word that there was no likelihood of prevailing, and so she 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 301 

did not ask ; however my hope is in Him that hath never 
failed me, nor I trust will not at this time. 

" My dear love is to thyself and sisters, in which I remain 
" Thy truly loving Daughter, 

M. Rous."* 

By the following letter, written nearly two months after 
the foregoing, we learn the time and circumstance of John 
Rous's return : — 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

"Kingston, the 22nd of 4U1 mo. [June], 1672. 

11 Dear Mother, — This is to advise thee that Thomas 
Briggs and I have safely arrived in England. Some hours 
before we expected to see land, we fell into the hands of a 
Dutch privateer, that took us prisoners, and carried us into 
Spain, where we continued about seventeen days. At last 
we came away in a vessel I bought for our transportation. 
We were pretty civilly used [by the Spaniards], as much 
so as could be expected from such people. We were very 
kindly entertained at the English consul's house whilst we 
stayed there. 

" My wife with our little ones are all very well, — blessed 
be the Lord ! The children are grown finely since I left 
them. 

" Here is news that the French have gained a great part 
of Holland and are going on very vigorously ; and the 
Dutch have called home their fleet. The English fleet I 
hear is either out, or nearly read}' to go out again ; and 
that the Duke of Buckingham and the Lord Arlington are 
gone towards Holland, but on what account I know not. 

" We had not heard from my father for some time before 
I left Barbadoes. John Stubbs intended for New England 
in a little time after our departure. John Hull and Eliza- 

* From the original, in John Abraham's Collection. 



302 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOL?, HALL, 

beth Mires do not come home till the next fleet. Friends 
were very well in Barbadoes when we came from thence, 
and Truth in a flourishing state. 

" My dear love with nry wife's is remembered to thyself, 
and our sisters, and Friends. 

" I rest thy dear son in the Truth, 

"J. R."* 



CHAPTER XXII. 

16:2—1673. 

George Fox and his Friends in Barbadoes — Address to the 
Governor — Henry FeiJL to Margaret Fox — Elizabeth 
Stubbs to Margaret Fox. 

The visit of the missionary band to the West Indies was 
productive of much religious refreshment to themselves, 
and comfort and strength to their brethren, especially in 
Barbadoes ; notwithstanding the efforts made by a few 
there, to spread false reports and awaken opposition. 
Thomas Rous and some other Friends who occupied 
important positions in that island, opened the way for them 
among the higher ranks of society. To the humbler 
classes, and to the poor slaves among whom they believed 
themseh-es equally called freely to spread the knowledge 
of the truths of the Gospel, they required no other intro- 
duction than that sympathy towards them which flowed 
from abounding Christian love. But the false reports that 
were industriously disseminated by opposers, induced the 
Friends to originate a cle;.r declaration of their principles, 
which was presented by George Fox and the others, in the 
form of an address to the Governor of Barbadoes, and 
which has often been quoted from that day to this, as a 
true and explicit synopsis of the Christian principles of 
Friends. Thus it commences : — 

* From the original in the Miller Collection of Swarthmoor letters. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 303 

' : For the Governor of Barbadoes and his Council, and 
all others in power in this island, from the people called 
Quakers. 

" "Whereas, many slanders have been cast upon us, as 
that we do deny God and Christ Jesus, and the Scriptures 
of Truth, &c, this is to inform }"ou, that all our hooks and 
our declarations that have been published these many 
years past, do clearly testify the contrar}^. Yet now, for 
3'our satisfaction, we do plainly and sincerely declare our 
belief. 

" We believe in God, the only wise, omnipotent, and 
everlasting God, who is creator of all things in heaven and 
in earth, and the preserver of all that He hath made. And 
we believe in Jesus Christ, His beloved and only-begotten 
Son, who was conceived by the Holy Ghost, and born of 
the Yirgin Mary, in whom we have redemption through 
His blood, even the forgiveness of sins, who is the express 
image of the invisible God, the firstborn of every creature, 
by whom all things were created. And we do own, and 
believe, He was made a sacrifice who knew no sin, neither 
was guile found in His mouth. And that He was crucified 
for us in the flesh without the gates of Jerusalem ; ?nd that 
He was buried and rose again the third day, by the power of 
His Father, for our justification. And we do believe that 
He ascended up into heaven, and now sitteth at the right 
hand of God. We do believe there is no other foundation 
to be laid but that which is laid, even Christ Jesus, who 
tasted death for every man, and is the propitiation for our 
sins, and not for ours only, but also for the sins of the 
whole world ; as John the Baptist testified when he said, 
' Behold the Lamb of God that taketh away the sins of the 
world.' We believe that He alone is our Redeemer and 
Saviour, even the Captain of our Salvation, who saves us 
from sin as well as from hell and the wrath to come, 
desti'oying the devil and his works, who is the seed of the 



304 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

woman that bruises the Serpent's head. And that there is 
no other name under heaven given among men whereby we 
may be saved. It is He alone who is the Shepherd and 
Lishop of our souls. He rules in our hearts by His law of 
love, and makes us free from the law of sin and death ; Ho 
is the quickening Spirit, the second Adam, the Lord from 
heaven, by whose blood we are cleansed, aud our con- I 
sciences sprinkled from dead works to serve the living 
God. lie is our Mediator that makes peace and recon 
ciliation between God offended and us offending, the author 
and finisher of our faith." 

" And concerning the Holy Scriptures, we do believe 
they were given forth by the Holy Spirit of God, through 
Holy men of God, who spake as they were moved by the 
Holy Ghost. We believe they are to be read, believed, 
and fulfilled, and they are profitable for doctrine, for re- 
proof, for correction, and for instruction in righteousness, 
that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished 
unto all good works ; and that they are able to make us 
wise unto salvation, through faith in Christ Jesus. And 
we do believe that in the Holy Scriptures arc the words of 
God, for it is said in Exodus xx. 1. — ' God spake all these 
words, saying, &c.' — The ten commandments given forth 
on Mount Sinai. — And in He v. xxii. 18, John saith, ' I 
testily to every man that heareth the words of the pro- 
phecy, &c.' And so in John v. 47, and John xv. 7, John 
xiv. 23, John xii. 47." 

Whilst the Friends thus acknowledged that words of 
God were to be found in the Holy Scriptures, the embodied 
designation The Word of God, they scrupulously reserved 
to be applied as in the New Testament to the Saviour Him- 
self. Thus in John i., " In the beginning was the Word 
and the Word was with God and the Word was God," &c. 
Avoiding the common mode of designation which terms 
the Bible, as a whole, The Word of God, had led, as it has 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 305 

since, to many false reports of Friends' want of reverence 
for the Sacred Scriptures. 

In the concluding paragraphs of the address, they went 
on to refute further false statements that had been circu- 
lated respecting the character of their preaching and advice 
to the negroes. It having been spread abroad that the 
Quakers encouraged the slaves to rebel, the address was 
printed and distributed widely; and on its circulation the 
floating slanders that had been sent throughout Barbadoes 
against the Friends were truly estimated. Thus a way was 
opened for their ministry among all classes. Dividing 
themselves as their spiritual perceptions indicated, the 
missionaries soon spread themselves in different directions 
among the islands, and afterwards on the Americau conti- 
nent. 

The following letter testifies to the blessings that at- 
tended their Christian ministry. The writer, Henry Fell, 
after his return from Egypt, appears to have fallen into 
some commercial difficulties, and to have afterwards gone 
out to Barbadoes, where he was probably in some secon- 
dary position : 

Henry Fell to Margaret Fox. 
"Barbadoes, 14th of ICthmo. [December], 1672. 

" My dear and everlastingly beloved friend, whom I truly 
esteem in the Lord, and account worthy of double honour 
for thy works' sake. 

" Mj r soul blesses the Lord in thy behalf, thou who hath 
travailed for me once again, and hath been a faithful friend 
and a good counsellor unto me, who hath foretold me that 
which has really come to pass, in a good measure, and I 
hope will be fulfilled more and more, that I should be 
restored into as good, nay, into a better condition than I 
ever yet knew, if I did bu" return unto the Lord with my 
whole heart, and come down in the humility of my mind, 
and lay all before Him ; and forsake my sins, and wait 



306 THE PELLS OF SWARTIfMOOR HALL, 

upon Him. [This] I say is witnessed in a good measure, 
to the gloiy and praise of His name. Yea, the Lord hath 
done for me abundantly above what I could then expect 
or think; and I do believe He will } T et accomplish His 
work in me, in nis own time to His own praise, as I abide 
faithful to Him. He is [even now] restoring beauty for 
ashes, the oil of jojr for mourning, and the garment of 
praise for the spirit of heaviness, and is healing my back- 
slidings, and loving me freeby. I feel His anger i.3 turned 
away, and He is wiping away the reproach from His 
innocent truth as if it had never been ; so that I may truly 
say as the Apostle said, ' Oh ! the depth of the riches both of 
the wisdom and the knowledge of God ! How unsearchable 
are Thy judgments and Thy ways past finding out !' It is 
the desire of my heart and soul that the goodness of the 
Lord may never be forgotten by me, but may remain fresh 
in my mind, and be had in everlasting remembrance. 

" Truth spreads here dady, and many come in who had 
long stood off, so that our meetings are very much enlarged 
and very quiet-, and the power of the Lord appears 
mightily in all our meetings, to the astonishment of them 
that are without, and to the strengthening and encourage- 
ment of them that are within, and to the raising up of that 
which long hath been bowed down. 

" Oh, I cannot forget the blessed day wherein dear 
George Fox and the rest of the Friends arrived here 
amongst us in this island. It was a heavenly visitation 
unto me and many more, even a true resurrection from 
the dead. The Lord heard and answered their desires; 
and they saw, in measure, the travail of their souls, and 
were satisfied. May the Lord reward them an hundred 
fold into their own bosoms. They have since had blessed 
service for His Truth in Jamaica and New England ; and 
I hope before this time they are safely arrived in JVkuy- 
land, where they did intend to winter; but as jet we have 
not heard from them since they went from New England^ 






AND THEIR FRIENDS. SOT 

" My wife, with another woman Friend of this island, 
went hence, about seven weeks since, to Bermuda, to visit 
Friends there. I expect daily to hear from her. My very 
dear love is remembered to all thy children, and to all dear 
Friends thereaways as though I named them particularly. 
As thou finds freedom let them or any of my outward 
relations know that I am very well in health. I should be 
glad if the Lord should so order it that I might once more 
see my native country and your faces again. But at 
present I cannot see how it can be ; because I am encum- 
bered as to the outward, and indebted to some here and in 
England ; till these debts be all satisfied I cannot remove 
from hence, but must bear it, for it is the fruit of my own 
doings. Had I kept to the Truth and in the fear of the 
Lord, I had been preserved out of the things into which I 
did plunge, and pierced nryself through with many sor- 
rows. So that it is very just from the Lord upon me ; and 
I find most peace in keeping under it, till He shows me a 
way of deliverance out of it, which I believe He will do in 
due time. 

" Desiring to hear from thee, I take my leave, and 
remain thy true and unfeigned friend and brother, 

" Henry Feel. 

" Let my very dear love be remembered to Leonard Fell 
and his wife, and to Robert Salthouse."* 

Directed " To my very dear friend Margaret 

Fox, at her house at Swarthmoor 
this d d In Lancashire." 

Endorsed by George Fox : — 

" H. Fell, from Barbadoes, 
to M. F., of passages." 

* From the original, in the Shackleton Collection. 



308 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

The foregoing is the last letter, and the last notice t'^at 
remains of Henry Fell, save one which briefly states he 
died abroad. Hence we may conclude that the desire he 
expresses that he might be permitted once more to visit 
his native land and see the faces of his dear Swarthmoor 
friends, was never realized. It is believed that his friend 
John Stubbs died either in 1673, or '74, but whether at 
home or abroad is not clear, though it is evident that he 
remained behind in America when George Fox returned 
home in '73. The letter which follows from his wife makes 
no definite allusion to guide us on that point, but it is a 
beautiful testimonj'' to the tender sympathy with which 
Margaret Fox endeavoured to cheer her sisters in their 
individual sorrows, and to assist them in their difficul- 
ties: — 

Elizabeth Stubbs to Margaret Fox, 

" The 1st <f lltli mo., 1G73 (Jstmo., 1674, new style). 
" Beloved of the Lord and all His people, — In the living 
sense of that blessed power and heavenly life do I saint > 
thee. I can truly say thou hast been many times in my 
remembrance, and when I consider thy great care and thy 
unchanging love and bountiful goodness to me and m} r 
children, it melts my heart, and causeth me to shed many 
tears. For thou wert unto me strength in the time of 
weakness, and thou supported me many a time when I was 
ready to fall. Oh, how I have been refreshed and comforted 
by the many times thou hast tended me, and watched over 
me for good, as if I were one of thy own. I may say, in 
the presence of the Lord, it was a good day for me when I 
came near thee. Let that day be blessed for evermore."* 

What a significant acknowledgment of tenderness, sym- 
pathy, and generosity does this short letter unfold. How 
truly Christian ! How beautiful the example ! 

That " bountiful goodness " to which Elizabeth Stubbs 

* From the original, in the Devonshire House Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 309 

alludes was not only manifested in "visiting the widows 
and fatherless in their affliction," but in sharing with them, 
if needed, such pecuniary means as by home economy could 
be spared, such means as then and now so many rich people 
lay out all closely around themselves in supplying luxuries 
or imaginary wants, or worse still, hoard up, in order to 
leave great wealth to children whose eternal welfare may 
be imperilled by the bequest. 



CHAPTER XXIII. 

1673—16:8. 



George Fox's Returx from America — His and T. Lower's 
Imprisonment — T. L.'s Letter to lis Wife — Ellis Hcoks 
to M. F. — George Fox to his Wife — Release from Prison — 
Sarah Fell to her Mother — M. F. to G. F. — E. Hooks to 
M. F. — Spirit of the Martyrs Revived — Margaret Faw- 
cett to M. Fox. 

In the summer of 1673, George Fox, and two of the 
Friends who went out with him, returned to England, 
landing at Bristol. Margaret Fox hastened to meet and 
welcome her husband ; and her two daughters and Thomas 
Lower accompanied her from Swarthmoor. John Rous 
came down from London, and William and Gulielma Penn 
and others joined them. They had a jo} T ful happy reunion 
in the overflowing of Christian love and fervent thankful- 
ness to the Lord for the safe return of their honoured 
friend and brother. They had some " glorious powerful 
meetings " (as George Fox characterises them) before leav- 
ing Bristol. 

Margaret Fox wishing to visit her daughter Rous before 
returning home, took Rachel with her, and George Fox 
and Thomas Lower accompanied them. Meantime, whilst 
she remained with her daughter at Kingston, her husband 
and son-in-law made a religious tour through some of the 
southern counties. Afterwards they all pa d a visit to 



310 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

William Penn and his wife at Rickmans worth, in Hertford- 
shire. Thence they proceeded into Worcestershire, on 
their way towards Swarthmoor, meaning first for George 
Fox to visit his mother, whose health was in a declining 
state. They held meetings in various places among Friends 
as they moved along. But before they were clear of that 
county, George Fox and Thomas Lower were made prison- 
ers by order of Justice Parker, and hurried off to Worcester 
Jr- il, on the accusation of having had such large meetings 
as to have greatly lessened attendance at the Episcopal 
Church ; as the mittimus expresses it, " They held meetings 
upon the pretense of the exercise of religion, otherwise 
than is established by the laws of England." When it 
was found there was no chance of their release before the 
.sessions, with sorrowful hearts, cheered only by unwavering 
faith in the Lord's love and protecting power, the mother 
and daughter were forced to leave them both in prison, 
and return home alone. Mary Lower, who was then at 
Swarthmoor, received the following letter from her husband 
soon aTter : — 

Thomas Lower to his Wife. 

Worcester Gaol, 7th of 11th mo., 167 S. 

" My Dearest, — Although it may be supposed I would 
have leisure enough here, I assure thee it is as much as I 
can do to get a little spare time to acquaint thee of our 
welfare, and how it is with us. I praise the Lord we are 
both very well. My dear father mends upon it ; he is 
much better in health, and takes his rest very well by night. 
But by reason of the many visitors we have, and the many 
papers to write, I want not employment. 

'■ I have received several letters from London from my 
brother, touching my liberty, and a letter from the King's 
bed-chamberman to the Lord Windsor, his brother, but 
since it only relates to my particular enlargement, I have 
kept it by me unsent. I thought it might prejudice and 
hinder my father's enlargement if I accepted of it ; for I 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 311 

prize his liberty more than my own, and so have written 
to my brother, if he cannot obtain both our discharges, 
not to labour any farther for mine. 

" By letters from Ellis Hooks and George Whitehead, 
we hear that our case hath been debated by the King and 
his Council, upon the solicitation of our friend Thomas 
Moore, and that they were very moderate, and seemed to 
be affected for our wrong imprisonment, but said they 
could not discharge us until tho law had passed upon us at 
the sessions, so the matter is left. Our precious mother 
has written a very affecting letter to the Lord Windsor for 
both our discharges, which we have sent to him, the return 
whereof we cannot yet have ; but it is thought the matter 
will be left to the determination of the justices on the 
bench. Unless they be permitted to tender the oaths of 
allegiance and supremacy, it is thought we may be dis- 
charged. Many of the justices about the country seem to 
dislike the severity of Parker's proceedings against us, 
and declare an averseness to ensnaring us with the tender 
of the oaths. The issue we leave to His power who orders 
all things for good to those that fear Him. 

'• My father's dear love and mine is unto my mother, 
thyself, and my sisters, and unto Friends. 

" So rests thy dearly loving husband, 

" Thomas Lower." * 

Margaret Fox appealed to the King. She wrote, earnestly 
asking his interposition for the release of her imprisoned 
husband and son-in-law. She enclosed her appeal in a 
letter to her friend Ellis Hooks for presentation, from 
whom she received the following answer : — 

Ellis Hooks to Margaret Fox. 

London, 9th 11th mo., 1673. {January, 1674.] 
' ; Dear M. F. — I received thy letter, and am glad to hear 
of thy safe arrival at home. About thy husband and 

* From the original, in the Shackleton Collection. 



312 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 



Thomas Lower, Thomas Moore and myself have been 
much concerned. T. M. read thy paper to the King in his 
chamber, and had an hour's time with him. It will be too 
large to relate all that passed between them ; only this 
[may be said] he was very kind to Thomas, and told him 
he was not willing to do any such thing of himself, but 
wished him to. come to the Council where he attended 
[according to the King's recommendation] and the paper 
was read , and the matter debated. Thomas spoke to the 
King after the Council, and he told him the result was to 
this effect : that there being no law broken by them, 
nothing could be done ; they were left to the law to right 
them. The King is very timorous (it being just at the 
pinch of the Parliament's coming on) of doing anything to 
displease them, his occasions being so great for money, 
which may impede the business. 

" This day week we sent down a letter from William 
Penn's mother to the Lord Windsor, who is Lord-Lieutenant 
of the county, which has been received, as we understand, 
by G. P. We hope the Lord-Lieutenant will be wrought 
upon by the letter of Lady Penn, who is well acquainted 
with him, and that the old snare of the oath may be waived 
at the sessions. George Whitehead and myself have not 
been deficient in turning every stone that might be advan- 
tageous for obtaining their liberty, nor yet shall we desist; 
but I fear nothing effectual can be done till the term, 
except they should premunire at the sessions, and then we 
must apply again to the King." 

They went as far as they could to premunire at the 
sessions, for neither Lady Penn's nor Margaret Fox's 
letters seem to have induced Lord Windsor to exert his 
influence to prevent " the old snare " being laid for George 
Fox. The clerical and magisterial influence on the other 
side weighed more with him than their arguments and 
entreaties; therefore, when the original accusation was 



. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 313 

likely to fail in reaching the end in view, the oaths were 
forthwith tendered to him, and when he refused to swear, 
at the same time giving in a paper most fully declaring 
his allegiance to the King, he was hurried back to prison, 
to he tried, on a future occasion, as a disloyal subject. 

Although Thomas Lower had not presented any of the 
letters that had been sent him from his own brother, and 
from Lord Windsor's brother, because George Fox was not 
mentioned in them, j^et, after George was ordered back to 
prison, Thomas was told he might go home free. He 
expostulated and argued against being liberated, whilst, 
as he said, his father, whom he had accompanied through- 
out, taking a part in all his proceedings, was to be thus 
imprisoned. But it was all in vain. Fox was to be 
premunired, and Lower released, on other grounds than 
those of justice. 

The prisoner, meantime, at the suit of some who thought 
they were doing him a service, was ordered for trial to 
London, and allowed, on account of his failing health, to 
be temporarily at large. From thence he wrote to his wife, 
telling her of a book against swearing (probably " The ease 
of the People calh-d Quakers relating to oaths ") which 
had just come out, and which he thought was likely to be 
very useful. He said a copy had been given to the King, 
and to each member of the two houses of Parliament, also 
to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, and Common Council of 
the City of London ; and further adds : — 

" I have sent it to Barbadoes, and Scotland, and Ireland, 
and Virginia, for Friends to take the substance, and give 
to their Parliaments or Assemblies, and Governors. I 
desire that your monthly and quarterly meetings would 
send for some of them, and give them at the assizes to the 
Justices and them that be in power, and to bailiffs or 
mayors. Friends [here] have distributed many of them 
to the under-officers. 



314 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" That which Sarah writes, of some of the family coming 
up to me, I can say little about, or how I may be ordered ; 
for they have moved the Court to have me down to Worces- 
ter again, and have got a habeas corpus, an.l a warrant for 
the purpose. A great jumble and work thei'e hath been 
about it ; but the Truth is over all, and I am in the Lord's 
hands. The King can do nothing, it being given up to the 
Judges and Sheriffs; they do suppose that I must go to 
Worcester assizes or sessions. 

" The salmon thou speaks of is not yet come, neither do 

they know by what carrier it was sent, nor where he inns. 

" In haste. My love to you all, 

" G. F.* 
"London, 6th 1st mo., 1674." 

There being errors in the indictment, and strong excep- 
tions taken, on other points by the lawyers engaged to 
defend the prisoner, the case was repeatedly argued, both 
at Worcester and in London, ere the sentence of premunire 
could be obtained and established, but at length it appeared 
to have been confirmed. Then Margaret Fox repaired to 
London, and waited on the King. Her husband says : — 

" She laid before him my long and unjust imprisonment, 
with the manner of my being taken, and the Justices' pro- 
ceedings against me in tendering me the oath, as a snare, 
whereby they had premunired me, so that I being now his 
prisoner, it was in his power and at his pleasure to release 
me. The King spake kindly to her, and referred her to the 
Lord Keeper, to whom she went, but could not get what she 
desired ; for he said the King could not release me but by 
a pardon, and I was not free to receive a pardon, knowing 
I had not done any evil. I had rather have lain in prison 
all my days than have come out in any way dishonourable 
to Truth ; wherefore I chose rather to have the validity of 

* From Barclay's "Letters of E.irly Friends." 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 315 

my indictment now tried before the judges of the King's 
Bench." 

On the eleventh of twelfth month, 1674, the case was 
opened before Sir Mathew Hale, Lord Chief Justice of 
England, and three other judges who sat with him on the 
bench, and, ultimately, by their decision, as announced by 
Sir Mathew, George Fox was # released by proclamation. 

He says : — 

" Thus, after I had suffered imprisonment a year and 
almost two months for nothing, I was fairly set at liberty 
upon a trial of the errors of my indictment, without receiv- 
ing any pardon, or coming under any engagement at all. 1 ' 

It appears by the following letter, that on his release, 
Margaret Fox and her husband, at first, had thought of 
returning to Swarthmoor without much delay : — 

Sarah Fell to her Mother. 

"4th 1st mo. [March], 1675* 

" Dear Mother, — We received thine, with our dear father's 
yesterday with great joy and gladness on several accounts. 
As for what thou mentions about sister Susan's staying 
with sister Rous, for our parts we freely leave it to 3*ou to 
do as you see fit and convenient, and shall [continue] as 
we have done, to do our utmost to supply her place in her 
absence. But I take it that it will lie more upon sister 
Rachel than on me, and she is very willing to leave it to 
you, and will, I doubt not, perform to the full, having mani- 
fested her abundant care, diligence and frugality in your 

* The date in the original, which is in the Collection of Robert 
Spence, of North Shields, is 1674, but it is evid.ntly one of those 
mistakes inc dent to hasty writing in the early days of a New Year, 
for in 1st mo., 1674 George Fox was a prisoner, and his wife at 
home at Swarthmoor Hall. 



316 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

absence, and being very able to go through her business, 
having a copious capacity. We need say no more, only 
that we shall be very glad to see sister Susan, when the 
Lord orders it, and also we do believe her company to 
sister Rous will be very acceptable and needful in brother's 
absence, so what }*ou do will be with our consent. 

" We desire to know, as soon as thou can tell us, when we 
may expect 3 ou with our dear father ; this, for several 
reasons, that thou may very well [understand.] Thoushould 
buy a cask of wine, of what sort thou judges Father likes 
best, for we have only some cider and March beer bottled 
up ; also, you should buy us some anchovies, some olives, 
and two larding needles, and some oranges and lemons, and 
what else you think fit. Pray let us know some certainty 
of 3 r our coming, as soon as you can. We are all well, and 
our endeared love and duty is to thee, and our dear father, 
and our dear love to our sisters and cousins. We cannot 
but admire Bethiah's writing, and that she is so active and 
ingenious. 

" This is all at present, from thy dear daughter, 

" Sarah Fell.''* 

George Fox, having been very much weakened by the 
effects of his last year's imprisonment, did not appear strong 
enough to undertake the journey immediately on his release; 
so he and his wife remained, month afcer month, at King- 
ston, with the Rouses, visiting the mee'ings in and around 
London. After the lapse of about four months, they returned 
to Swarthmoor, and Susanna with them, This was the first 
time he had been at Swarthmoor since his marriage ; and 
now the surrounding gentry courteously called to pay their 
respects, or, as some of them said, to welcome to their 
neighbourhood, the master of Swarthmoor Hall. Even 
Colonel Kirby, his old persecutor, presented himself. 

* From the original in the Spence Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 317 

On that occasion, G. F. remained quietly occupied at 
home for about a }*ear and eight months, during which his 
health gradually improved. He tells us in his journal, that 
he spent much of that time in writing ; also in collecting 
and arranging old letters, and epistles, so as to put them in 
good order for those that might consult them hereafter. 
No doubt it was then that he indorsed, and laid away safeby, 
so many of the letters still preserved, to which access has 
been so liberally afforded, and which have proved so valu- 
able in the compilation of these pages. 

In 1677, he went to the London Yearly Meeting, and 
afterwards parsed over into Holland, to attend the yearly 
meeting there, and visit some other parts on the Continent. 
With invigorated health returned the spirit for active labour 
that found its duties in preaching the Truth, and establish- 
ing meetings for discipline among Friends, wheresoever 
the Lord opened the way ; so that now, though he had a 
pleasant happy home, he was but little there for several suc- 
ceeding years. The following letter tells us how much he 
was loved and appreciated within its precincts : — 

Margaret Fox to her Husband. 

" Swarthmoo~, ISth of 5th mo., 1678. 

" Dear Love, — Glad I am to hear that the Lord preserves 
thee in health and capacity to travel in His work and service, 
for which I praise His holy name. We hope and expect He 
will draw thee homewards in His blessed time. Thou art 
much expected and longed for here, but we must all submit 
to the Lord's will and time. I received thy kind token by 
Leonard, which I did not expect, but I know it is thy true 
love to remember us [thus]. I thought to have sent some- 
thing by Mary Fell to thee, but I [considered] thou would 
only buy something with it for me, as thou used to do, which 
caused me to omit it. I perceive thou hast sent things 



318 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

to the children by Leonard, he hath not yet delivered them ; 
but thy company would be more and better to us than all 
the world, or than all the earth can afford ; but only for the 
Lord's Truth and service [are we willing to resign it], we 
would not exchange it for all beside. 

" This day Isabel set forward on her way to Scotland. 
Thomas and Mary Lower, Sarah, Susanna, and Rachel, with 
little Bethiah, their love and duty are dearly remembered 
unto thee, and gladly would they see thee here. I am glad 
to find thou hath writ to my daughter Rous. Poor woman ! 
I am afraid she will have a heartless being theie. The 
Lord uphold her over all her trials. We desire much to 
hear from thee, and what way thou passest. All things are 
well here with us. Praised and honoured be the Lord. 
" From thy endeared and loving wife, 

" M. F.* 

Endorsed by George Fox thus — " M. F. to G. F., 5 mo., 
'78." Again by Rachel Abraham's son: — "My dear and 
honoured Grandmother's affectionate letter to my dear 
and honoured Grandfather Fox." 

What Margaret Fox says to her husband in the foregoing 
letter, about having been withheld from sending him what 
she had thought of, because he would have been likely, as 
on other occasions, to lay it out in buying something for 
herself, is made clear through remarks in other letters. 

If, when he was from home, she sent him money, it seems 
he was sure to lay out full as much, or more, in a present 
for her. Thus on one occasion he tells her, that with the 
money she had given him to buy clothes for himself, he had 
purchased of Richard Smith a piece of red cloth for a 
mantle, believing she required that, more than he needed 

* From tlie original in the Thwaite Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 319 

the coat.* And in one of his /e iters, in the Shackleton 
Collection, written to his wife from Worcester prison, he 
tells her he had got a friend to purchase as much black 
Spanish cloth as would make her a gown, with what she 
had given him, adding, ' It cost a great deal of money, but 
I will save." 

The allusion to her daughter Rous, as in a place where 
she would probably meet with heai'tlessness, seems to have 
been suggested by Margaret Rous being then on a visit at 
her father-in-law's, in Barbadoes, where she went with her 
husband, whose step-mother, we may remember, on a former 
occasion, John Rous alluded to as " a notable cunning 
woman," and we presume she was the heartless element that 
the mother dreaded. 

The general tone of Margaret Fox's letter to her husband, 
so affectionate and cheerful, reminds one of Leonard Fell's 
words, in a short note in which he addresses her as, " Thou 
whose voice is so pleasant, and into whose mind no dark 
spirit enters.'''' Solomon says, "Pleasant words are as an 
honej'-comb ; sweet to the soul, and health to the bones." 
Her pleasant words seem often and often to have acted as 
sweet balm to troubled souls ; and it was from this, and 
her peculiar large heartedness, full as much or more than 
from her superior judgment that so many sought to unbur. 
den their minds to her, often catching from her cheerful 
spirit a glow of comfort and hope ; but no doubt, her good 
understanding and spiritual discernment also frequently 
aided those who looked to her for advice. 

The document from which I have definitely learned that 
John Rous and his wife were " absent be} T ond the seas," in 

* The letter which contains the above I ha~e not "been able to 
procure, but have heard the remarks of two Friend , bo.h of whom 
read it. However, I observe this difference in their statements : oue 
spoke of it as crimson cloth, the other scarlet. It certainly indicates 
that Friends in that day had no objection to brilliant colours in 



320 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

1CI3, 13 a written agreement (now in the possession of John 
Abraham) between Hannah Fell, the widow of George Fell, 
and her son Charles Fell, minor, on the one side; and the 
daughters of Judge Fell and their husbands on the other 
side ; relative to resigning all claims to certain lauds which 
are specified. That article of agreement is also the first 
and only testimony we have of George Fell's dea h, and 
that merely in as much as it speaks of his widow, lie Lffc 
but two children, a boy and a girl. There is nothing in the 
doc iment indicating that his death had recently occurred. 
Neither Bridget's nor her husband's signatures appear in 
the agreement, nor are they mentioned at all ; so that this, 
added to previous evidence, makes it cbar that they were 
not then living, and that they had left no heirs. 

The next letter was written about a month later than the 
foregoing. It is the last we have from Ellis Hooks to his 
Swarthmoor friend, and is particularly interesting as mark- 
ing the first publication of "The Spirit of the Martyrs 
Revived," his chief literary work; at the same time indi- 
cating the failing strength of the suffering writer : — 

Ellis Hooks to Margaret Fox. 

" 13th of 6th mo„ 1678. 

" Dear M. F., — I have had a sore fit of sickness ; none 
that saw me thought I could have lived. I am very weak 
still, and can scarcely go. This letter is chiefly to accompany 
a book I have sent for thee to Thomas Gaeon, entitled ' The 
Spirit of the Martyrs Revived.' I desire thou wilt accept 
of it as a token of my love which is still the same as ever 
to thee ; and, though I write but seldom, I think often of 
thee. Never can I forget thee, and I hope thou wilt have 
me in thy remembrance when breathing to the Lord, that I 
may be preserved to the end, for I meet with many trials 
and exercises, yet I sej the Lord's hand in them all to my 
comfort. Although it seems a bitter cup, yet I am willing 



I AND THEIR FRIENDS. 321 

to take it at the hand of the Lord, who knows that I love 
Him beyond all fading things, and have chosen Him [for 
my portion] before them all, but who, indeed, first chose 
me and separated me from the world, and hath let me see 
great things that pertain to salvation. Dear Margaret, I 
am now very weak, and know not whether ever I shall see 
thee again ; but I am bound up with the covenant of love 
for ever. 

" My love is to thee and all thy children and family, 
" From thy Friend, 

" Ellis Hooks. . 
" For my loving Friend, Margaret 

Fox, at Swarthmoor, with a 

book."* 

That book, " The Spirit of the Martyrs Revived," was 
much read in its da}-, as may be inferred from the number 
of editions it went through. As far as can be judged from 
the title and contents of the work, it was intended by the 
author that another volume should follow, in which the 
Quaker martyrdoms of the seventeenth century would be 
detailed. The vol. published comes down to about 1590. 
The copy before me belongs to a quarto edition, published- 
in 1 683, two years after the death of its author ; the first 
edition was in folio. It commences with the martyrdom 
of Abel, briefly glancing over the biblical record of those 
who loved and obeyed God, and who suffered for religion 
during the centuries anterior to the Christian era. After- 
wards, as he states, he " epitomizes the acts and monu- 
ments of the Church writ by the industrious labour of John 
Foxe." It is a good epitome of Foxe's huge work, and, in 
addition, contains both at the beginning and latter end 
information not to be found in the " Acts and Monuments." 
An excellent little work, also written by Ellis Hooks and 

* From the original in the Th'rnbeck Collection. 



6W THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

published in the same volume, is entitled " A Christian Plea 
against Persecution, grounded on Scripture, Reason, Ex- 
perience, and the Testimonies of Princes and Learned 
Authors." It displays careful research into civil and 
ecclesiastical history, both ancient and modern, thence 
deducing examples and admonitions against persecution, 
showing the inefficaey as well as cruelty of striving to force 
men's consciences. 

Ellis Hooks never fully regained his health after that ill- 
ness he mentions in the letter just quoted, though he 
survived for three 3'ears from that time. He died in 1681, 
of consumption, as stated in Friends' London burial register. 
He had filled the position of Friends' recording clerk 
for the previous twenty-four years, the earliest volumes of 
the London records being all in his handwriting. 

The following letter will not be devoid of interest to 
those who desire to trace the early developments of the 
" Women Friends' meetings for discipline," as exhibited in 
the first age of the Societ}'. Its writer was a widow, who 
resided at Elkstone, in Cumberland. She was a most 
hospitable and managing Friend, who, on an extremely 
small income, kept open house and gave cordial welcome 
to all ministering Friends travelling in her neighbour- 
hood. So anxious was she for their company, that some 
playfully called her, as Thomas Story tells us in his journal, 
" the covetous widow of Cumberland." Thus she writes to 
her friend at Swarthmoor : — 

Margaret Fawcett to Margaret Fox. 

" The 5th day of the 8th mo. [October], 1677. 

" Dear Margaret, — In the weighty Truth, which the Lord 
hath placed a measure of in me, do I salute thee, with all 
thy dear and tender children ; for my love is truly to you 
all, and my soul delights in your prosperity, as I believe 
you do in mine ; for, dear Margaret, thou hath been as a 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 323 

mother to many children, and I with many more hath 
received strength and nourishment from thee. 

" And, dear M., that which chiefly occasioneth me at this 
time to write unto thee, is to give thee to understand some- 
thing of our proceedings in our Women's meetings, con- 
cerning the book that Was given forth from your quarterly 
meeting at Cople}'. 

" Our Women's meeting was next Third-day after, wher*> 
our dear friend and brother, Jo. Banckes, did much assist 
us in our proceedings ; he read the book, and Friends wee 
very well satisfied with it, and the Lord's power and 
presence was much with us and among us ; and we gave 
notice that day that Friends should bring in their testi- 
monies about tithes the next women's meeting, which 
accordingly was done, and J. B. took their testimonies, 
one by one, from their own mouth ; which I believe was 
given in the fear of the Lord, and where any was wanting, 
they brought them to the next meeting or before, and all 
or the most part belonging to our women's meeting are 
found clear in their testimonies, which are already gathered 
up and recorded in a book we have provided for that 
purpose. 

" And further this is to let thee understand that we had 
the book to our quarterly meeting, where we did intend it 
should be read, and Jo. Steele and I did acquaint Friends 
of it before the meeting, but some Friends in the ministry 
being there, took up the time, so that it could not conve- 
niently be read that day, which was no small grief to my 
spirit. (J. B. was then in Westmoreland.) After the 
meeting I could do no less than speak of it, and delivered 
H to the next women's meeting, and desired them to copy 
it over and send it through the county, that s_> the service 
whereupon it goeth forth may be performed. 

" And, dear heai't, there is one thing more in my mind to 
signify to thee, which is concerning the disbursements of 
our collections, and setting- of it down in writing, it is not 



324 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR IIALL, 

at Jill agreeable with my spirit, neither with several more 
good Friends belonging to our meeting, for we are satisfied 
that many honest Friends that may stand in need, will 
rather suffer much than take anything of us, if it must be 
made so public as to stand upon record. Dear M., I could 
do no less than give thee my judgment in this matter, 
hoping thou wilt bear with me as one who with thee would 
have all things well. No more, but my true love to thee 
and all thine. Thy nearly related friend and sister, 

" Margaret Fawcett. 

(P. S.) " The number of Friends belonging to our women's 
meetings that have given in their testimonies concerning 
tithes are 109."* 

It was about the time when the above letter was written, 
that some diversity of opinion and practice existing among 
Friends respecting tithe, the yearly meeting put forth a 
document, before alluded to, requesting that all members 
who held opinions on the subject would state them in 
writing to their respective monthly meetings, and have 
them recorded. These are the testimonies mentioned by 
Margaret Fawcett. 



CHAPTER XXIV. 

1677—1690. 
Visit to the Court o? the Princess Palatine — Letter from 
Robert Barclay to the sisters at Swarthmoor — From 
Princess Elizabeth And Countess Horne to Robert Bar- 
clay — Persecutions in Scotl >,nd— Sketch of David and 
Robirt Barclay— Their Death. 

Three of the Swarthmoor sisters were ministers — Isabel, 
Si rah, and Susanna. We have already quoted what Gerard 
Crocse says of Sarah's extraordinary gift of exhortation 
and prayer ; to Isabel he also alludes incidentally on the 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 325 

occasiou in 1677, when she -went with two other Quaker 
ladies to visit Elizabeth, the Princess Palatine of the Rhine. 
Three 3-ears previous to that visit William Yeamans, 
Isabel's husband, died ; and at the time of which we speak, 
only one of her children, a sou, survived. 

It is thus Croese writes of Isabel and her Friends : 

" When these women came to the Court of the Princess, 
and desired liberty to speak with her, she who was so full 
of humilit}' and gentleness, admits and hears them with 
cheerful and favourable countenance, being especially 
pleased with Isabel's discourse, who indeed had a curious 
voice and a freer way of delivering herself." 

When Isabel Yeamans, George Keith's wife, and Ger- 
trude Dirick Xieson * started from Amsterdam on that visit 
to the Princess Palatine, they left behind them in Holland 
the English Friends with whom the two former had gone 
over to attend the General meeting at Amsterdam. These 
were George Fox, William Penn, George Keith, Robert 
Barclay, and Benjamin Furley. It is evident the ladies 
wished to go by themselves as uuconspicuousby as possible, 
on their religious mission to a Christian sister ; and as 
Christian sisters the Princess received and afterwards 
remembered them. Princess Elizabeth was a woman of 
great amiabilit}', conscientiousness, and religious tender- 
ness. Her mother having been an English woman, probably 
that tie led her all the more cordially to welcome the sym- 
pathy of these fellow countrywomen of hers. The Princess 
was a daughter of the Queen of Bohemia, Charles I.'s sister, 
whom Margaret Fell visited in London ; consequently she 
was first cousin to Charles II., and sister of Prince Rupert, 
whose kindly offices Mary Fell spoke so hopefullj' of in 
her letter to her mother in 1G64, describing her visit to the 
King. 

* A Dutch Friend who was afterwards the wife of Stephen Crisp. 



326 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

When the three women Friends returned to Amsterdam 
William Penn, Benjamin Furley, and Robert Barclay paid 
their visit to the Princess, — they had been acquainted with 
her previously, and now had free religious communion 
with her and with some of the ladies of her court, especi- 
ally the Countess of Home. The Princess did not live 
more than about four years from that time, but her corre- 
spondence with Penn and Barclay continued till her death. 
Robert Barclay was very careful about not giving publicity 
to any of her letters, or those of the countess, for the 
reason given in the letter we are about to transcribe, and 
which is now with its enclosures presented to the public 
for the first time, after nearl}' 200 years of oblivion : — 

Robert Barclay to the Sisters at Swarthmoor. 

" Aberdeen Prison, 27th of lOthmo., 1676. 
" Dear Isabel, Sarah, Susanna, and Rachel, — I received 
the signification of your love in the postscript of 3 r our 
father's letter, which reached unto me and refreshed me. 
Those real testimonies of your respect towards me deserved 
long ago a suitable acknowledgment ; leastwise by the 
expression of my sensibleness thereof, for a real requital 
proportionable to the obligation you have put upon me, is 
not only without my reach at present to perform, but 
without my view when it may — only I can assure you, I 
am not unmindful thereof, and do, and I hope will and 
shall, return that love and regard for you which I will not 
adventui'e to express, lest I should seem to sway from 
simplicit}^ — only feel it in that which is beyond words. In 
its flowing I do at present dearly salute 3-011. Blessed be 
the Lord that hath brought us to the knowledge of this 
kind of love and friendship, which standeth in that which 
is more excellent than aught in the world, even in the 
Truth itself. And as we abide therein, it both may and 
can grow, without finding an end. It was this precious 
Truth alone brought us to an outward acquaintance as well 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 327 

as inward friendship : so therein I desire daily to be 
nearer and nearer unto 30U, whereunto this present trial 
will I hope not a little contribute. 

" As I intimated in rny last, I do now send j^ou a copy 
of the Princess Elizabeth's first letter to me, and the 
Countess of Home's. I have since received letters again 
from both of them, but they are not by me. You will by 
these perceive how things stand with them, and I hope 
they will refresh you. I send them to you with the greater 
confidence, that I know you to be persons of such educa- 
tion as will use them with discretion, and not trust them 
so as to come to the ears or hands of any who cannot so 
use them ; knowing that persons of their condition are apt 
to offend when their freedom is made public, and will 
thereby be straightened from using the like hereafter. — 
But I fear not you in this particular. 

" With my dear love to your worthy mother, and to your 
brother and sister Lower, I continue your friend and 
brother in the Truth that is unchangeable, 

" R. Barclay." 

" The Princess Elizabeth — her first letter. 

" My dear Friend, — In our Saviour Jesus Christ, I have 
received your letter this daj^, dated the 24th of June. As 
I am pressed to take this opportunity to make a certain 
address to your brother, Benjamin Furley, I must give 
you the abrupt answer. 

" Your memory is dear to me, so are your lives, and 
your exhortations very necessary. I confess mj^self still 
spiritually very poor and naked, all my happiness is, that 
I do know I am so, — and whatsoever I have seemed or 
studied heretofore, is but as dust in comparison to the true 
knowledge of Christ. I confess also my infidelity to this 
light, by suffering myself to be conducted by a false 
politique light ; now that I have sometimes a small glimpse 
of the True Light, I do not attend to it as I should, being 



328 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

drawn awa}? - by the "works of my calling, which must be 
done. Like your swift English bounds, I often overrun 
my scent, — being called back when it is too late. Let not 
this make 3-ou less earnest in your prayers for me, — you 
see I need them. Your letters will be always welcome to 
me, so shall your friends, if any please to visit me. 

" I should admire God's providence, if my brother could 
be a means of releasing your father and the 40 more 
prisoners in Scotland. Having promised to do his best, I 
know he will perform it, he has always been true to his 
word ; and you shall find me by the grace of the Lord a 
true friend. 

"Elizabeth." 

The other letter which Robert Barclay copied and sent 
to the Swarthnioor sisters, whilst he was confined in 
Aberdeen prison, is as follows : — 

" The Countess of Horne — her letter to R. B. 

" Dear Friend, — It was a regular joy to me to receive 
your acceptable letter, which this morning awaited my 
hands by the post. It testifies your love and care for me 
who am unworthy thereof. Therefore do I justly esteem 
it the more, being heartily thankful that 3-011 remember me 
before the Lord, who am waiting upon Him — oh that it 
might be truly in the Spirit. I cannot but admire the 
wonderful providence of God, which brought you hither, 
and raised such love mutually between us. 

"I can in truth say that my heart went after you in love, 
and hath been many a time in admiration of that wonderful 
work of the Lord amongst us the last time we saw each 
other. I hope to His praise He will accomplish the work 
ne has begun, and raise His witness in my soul, that it 
may testify of Him so clearly that I cannot doubt whether 
it be His voice or not. It may be with me as it was with 
Samuel, who heard the voice of the Lord calling, Samuel ! 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 329 

Samuel ! yet knew not that it was the Lord, "but thought it 
to be the prophet Eli. I say it may at times thus fare with 
me, that the inward witness testifies and calleth to me in 
my soul, and I, because I know not His voice nor the testi- 
mony thereof, do pass it by, looking upon it as the voice of 
a stranger. For want of this spirit of discerning, I come 
many times to behave myself as an enemy in not receiving 
His testimony. 

" That which now makes me fearful to receive anything 
[I do not clearly see] to be the testimony of God, is, because 
so many I perceive have deceived themselves, taking the 
testimony of the flesh for the testimony of God ; not that 
they do it willingly, yet I must needs believe that they 
deceive themselves therein. Tet this I see, that there 
must be a testimony of God in the soul, and that God 
commanded Isaiah to bind up the testimony, and seal the 
laws for his disciples— after these my soul doth long. These 
desires often cause me to sigh unto my God in this way — 
' raise, I pray thee, thy witness in my soul.' As the 
Lord gives you liberty, sigh with me, and for me, for the 
arising of this witness. I confess I am not worthy of such 
a favour, being an unfaithful virgin, yet hope still for 
favour and mercy from Him that calls me. — I know He 
calls me, O that I did but always know His voice, and know 
what He requires of me. Now my place appears to be in 
silence, to be still, and wait upon the Lord there, and I 
' hope He will strengthen me in this waiting, and not suffer 
me to grow weary, and preserve me from speaking peace 
to myself, or seeking it from any. other but from Himself 
alone. I am, by His grace, from day to day more retired 
from men, and my soul weaned from the world, and more 
and more burthened with this spiritless, lifeless worship. 
I could well desire with that lovely lady (I mean the Lady 
Overkirk) to be delivered from all these opinions, and that 
I be no more of Paul's or Apollos', but only Christ's, and 



330 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

come into fellowship with those that have the testimony 
of Jesus, by whatsoever name they are cal!ed. 

" Satan pressed hard upon me some years ago, with most 
of those temptations which now you tell me of. He came 
so far as almost to make me believe there was no God ; but 
my faithful God, in whom nry strength, and comfort, and 
joy was, stood by me, and rebuked him, so that he became 
silenced. Me He sustained that I did not sink, and He took 
from me the fear that I had of Satan, so that if he should 
anew assault me, I know that Immanuel lives, and that He 
will preserve me by His power. All that I now fear is this 
sinful self that I feel still in me. O that the Lord would 
arise as a mighty man of valour to slay it ! — how gladly 
would I see it crucified and laid down at the feet of the 
Lord Jesus. 

" Time permits me not at present to write more unto you, 
only that I hope to do my best to learn English. A book 
that may contribute to it will be very acceptable to me. 
When I know the cost, I shall send it you, and I hope the 
Lord who hath sent me in 3-our letters so many good 
exhortations, will cause them to live in my soul. I could 
very well read and understand them all. I am glad to 
learn that on your return home 3-011 found all there in a 
good state. I do thank you, my beloved friend, for your 
faithful care of me, and that it extended so far as to inquire 
after my brother, who is now before ' Mastwcht.' May the 
Lord do with him what is good in His eyes. 

" Salute for me, I pray, all the lovers of the Cross of 
Christ — all who fear the Lord in Spirit and in Truth. 
The Lord bind us more and more in His pure love, in 
which I remain your dearly loving friend, 

" Anna Maria — Countess of Horne." 

" This was sent to Benjamin Furley, and by him trans- 
lated out of the Dutch. She is so well advanced in the 
English, that she not only can understand what she reads, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 331 

"but she has translated out of English into Dutch a "book 
of Isaac Pennington's. 

" Excuse the bad ink. G. K. desires in pai'ticular to be 
minded by you all."* 

The above letters are all in Robert Barclay's handwriting, 
and are thus endorsed, apparently by John Abraham : — 

" The excellent Robert Barclay's letter to three of my 
aunts, and to my dear and tender mother." ■ 

How beautifully and how aboundingly is the spirit of 
Christian love manifested in those letters ! How strikingly 
do they point out the mark of discipleship in the writers 
and in the recipients ! — " By this shall all men know that 
ye are my disciples, if ye have love one to another," says 
Christ our Holy Redeemer. But that token of discipleship 
did not fully satisfy the over-anxious mind of the countess. 
She was troubled to an undo extent about not having a 
clearer perception of " God's witness in her soul," — yet 
she assuredly had that Witness there, as her feelings and 
her works manifested. Our Lord when on earth appealed 
to His works in proof of the Divine presence and power 
having executed them — so may His servants. Supreme 
love to God and to man is God's witness, and if existing 
in the heart, will manifest itself in striving to do good to 
all around us, and assuredly this impulsive love in which 
the works originate, is the operation of the Holy Spirit. 

The Barcla3*s of Ury being among the intimate and 
endeared friends of the Swarthmoor family, as such claim a 
brief memorial here. David Barclay, Robert's father, was 
the lineal representative of Theobald de Berkeley, of Nor- 
man extraction, who early in the 12th century was con- 
spicuous at the Court of David I., King of Scotland. The 
De Berkeleys obtained property in North Britain, became 

* From the original in M. Thirnbeck's Collection. 



332 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Scottish lairds, and continued to maintain their rank as 
landed proprietors under that Norman name, till the 15th 
centur}^ when the head of the family changed it from De 
Berkeley to Barclay. In the 1 7 th century, political unsettle- 
ment, joined to pecuniary reverses, led to the sale of the 
estate, which had been in the family for upwards of five 
hundred years. 

Afer that, David the young laird, who was a zealous re- 
former, entered as a volunteer the army of the Protestant 
Union under Gustavus Adolphus, in which, through mili- 
tary prowess and talent, he soon attained to the rank of 
major. His brother, who was equally zealous, but a Roman 
Catholic, repaired to France with his share of the family 
property, and soon obtained a distinguished place in the 
Romish College in Paris. Finally he took orders in the 
Church there, and became rector at the College. Both of 
the brothers appear to have so managed their incomes as 
to add to their paternal fortune. 

When the civil wars broke out in his native county, the 
young major returned home and became a colonel in the 
Ko}alist army, having had intrusted to his command the 
shires of Ross, Sutherland, and Caithness. When Crom- 
well's party prevailed, Colonel Barclay retired from mili- 
tary life, purchased an estate at TJry, near Aberdeen, and 
married Catherine, daughter of Sir Robert Gordon, of 
Gordonstown, second son to the Earl of Sutherland. 
Robert Barclay, the eldest son of this marriage, was born 
at Gordonstown, in 1648. 

Colonel Barclay, after leaving the army, turned his 
attention to national politics, and was soon returned to 
Parliament. There he signalized himself in pleading the 
cause of the nobility and gentry of Scotland who had for- 
feited their estates in the political struggles of the times. His 
high character as a military officer at home and abroad, 
and his straightforward integrity of purpose, joined to his 
personal bearing, obtained for him great influence both in 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 333 

and out of Parliament. His efforts, therefore, on behalf 
of those who had lost their estates, were especially suc- 
cessful, and caused him to be very popular throughout 
Scotland among the gentry and nobility. The last Parlia- 
ment in which he sat was 1656 ; he then relinquished public 
political life, and devoted himself more to the enjoyment 
of the social surroundings of home, and the cultivation of 
his property at TTr}'. 

Colonel Barclay had three sons, of whom Robert was the 
eldest. After receiving the rudiments of his education in 
the best schools of his native country, it was decided that 
so many literary advantages presented in the Paris College, 
where his uncle was chaplain, that Robert should be sent 
there. He soon became so distinguished by his talents, 
after being settled at college, that he obtained the particular 
approbation of the professors. His conduct greatly en- 
deared him to his uncle, and he seemed determined to 
make him his sole heir. Letters home constantly spoke of 
the fresh honours gained by the young student, his uncle's 
great pleasure in his society, and the brilliant course that 
was opening to his view. The pleasure these announce- 
ments gave was not unmixed with apprehension in the 
mind of his anxious mother. At length that solemn hour 
arrived, when the mother's fears were embodied in such 
form that they could no longer be turned aside as vision- 
ary ; she was on her deathbed, and before she died her 
husband promised that he would ere long repair to Paris, 
and use all the gentle influence he could command to induce 
their son finally to leave France. He kept his promise, and 
though Robert's return was violently opposed by his uncle, 
who offered at once to purchase an estate for him in France, 
and put him in immediate possession if he would stay, 
there was no flinching. Having heard of his dear mother's 
earnest dying request, he forthwith returned home with 
his father, and his uncle consequently left his large prop- 
erty to some religious houses in France. 



834 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

That return to Scotland, in 1664, which his dying 
mother's fears had secured, was a happy event for the 
youth. And that her fears were well grounded we may 
gather from his own words many years after. He writes, 
— " I had scarcely got out of my childhood when I was cast 
among Papists ; and my immature capacity not being able 
to withstand the insinuations that were used to proselyte 
me, I became defiled with the pollutions thereof, and con- 
tinued therein for a time, until it pleased God, through His 
love and mercy, to deliver me, and give me a clear under- 
standing of the evil of that way.' 

In 1661 David Barclay openly avowed himself a Quaker. 
This was not a sudden change. His wife's death had made 
a deep impression on his mind, very strongly bringing 
before him the peace and happiness of the Christian in the 
prospect of leaving this world for an eternal one. There- 
fore, with great earnestness he set about examining the 
views maintained by the various societies of Christians 
around him. One point especially arrested his attention, 
that the hostility each seemed to entertain towards those 
who differed from them, manifested itself in persecution 
whenever they were invested with political power. Such 
persecution he felt in his heart to be unchristian. Before 
he could come to a decision with what society he should 
unite, he commenced a careful and earnest examination of 
the Holy Scriptures, in order to judge for himself as to 
which came nearest to the Gospel standard. Whilst thus 
engaged he heard of a people who, in derision, were 
called Quakers, whose distinguishing conduct was patience 
and unflinching endurance under severe persecution, and 
love to one another — their great principle being adhei'ence 
to the dictates of the Spirit of Truth ; and that, living 
apart from the common amusements of the world, neither 
imprisonment nor the prospect of death itself could restrain 
them from preaching, or from urging that all who were 
truly the followers of Christ should manifest in their con- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 335 

duct the holiness and unselfishness enjoined hy their Lord. 
He seems to have first learned these particulars respecting 
the Friends from the Laird of Swintoune, a man of consid- 
erable influence in Scotland, who had embraced the doc- 
trines of the despised Quakers, and ever after steadily 
maintained them. 

Being in London, Colonel Barclay made himself ac- 
quainted with some of the Friends there, and went to hear 
them. He pondered long and deeply over what he saw and 
heard, bringing all his doubts to the test of Holy Scripture. 
At leng'.h he came to the full conviction that " if the Lord 
Jesus Christ has a Church of true followers on earth, those 
whom the other societies in derision called Quakers must 
be that Church." With a resolution that required even 
more courage and bravery than actual encounters on the 
battle-field amid carnage and death, he forthwith avowed 
himself a Quaker. He understood well what that avowal 
involved. In addition to the cold frowns of friends and 
relatives, the world's dread laugh, its taunts and its persecu- 
tions, were before him. For at that very tim'e great num- 
bers of the Friends were enduring imprisonment in wretched, 
filthy jails, for no other crime than a conscientious adhe- 
rence to their religious principles. 

David Barclay, whilst deciding for himself, in joining the 
" Friends of Truth," was very careful that his sons, who 
were then of an age capable of judging, should be influenced 
by their own convictions, and not act from a desire to join 
with or to imitate their father.* In the meantime Robert 
visited freely among his father's and mother's relatives, 
some of whom were Episcopal Protestants, others Roman 



* In the " Encyclopedia Britannica" it is stated that David Barclay, 
on becoming a Quaker, endeavoured to induce Robert to follow Ms 
example ; but that is a mistake, for he very decidedly expressed the 
desire that his son should not join the Friends but from his own 
conscientious convictions. 



336 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Catholics, and others again Presbyterians. However logi- 
cal the mind of the future Apologist, and however argu- 
mentative he afterward appeared in the defense of his 
principles, he says himself, speaking of his conversion, that 
it was not by strength of argument, or by any particular 
doctrinal disquisition convincing his understanding, that 
he came first to receive and then to bear witness to the 
Truth as maintained by Friends. On the other hand, in. 
his father's case, it was more through the understanding 
and through Scriptural argument, that David Barclay's 
convictions of Gospel Truth were established ; and thus 
we have in father and son examples of the " diversity of 
operations, but the same Spirit " leading to the conversion 
of each through different channels. Speaking on this 
point, Robert says, " "When I came into the silent assem- 
blies of God's people, I felt a secret power amongst them 
which touched my heart, and as I gave way unto it, I found 
the evil weakening in me and the good raised up, and so I 
became thus knit and united to them, hungering more and 
more after the increase of this power and life." 

"When Robert Barcla}' had fully united in fellowship with 
the Friends, a new impulse was imparted to his studies ; 
more thoroughfv to perfect himself in Greek and Hebrew 
then became his ardent desire. Feeling that there was a 
desideratum in the Society so long as they had no work 
well fitted to meet the schoolmen in their own logical way 
of examining theological questions, he determined to do 
what he could towards supplying the deficiency. Then came 
a cartful study of the writings and history of the early 
Fathers of the Church. His first work was entitled " Truth 
Cleared of Calumnies." It was in reply to an attack on 
Quakerism by a clergyman in Aberdeen, and was regarded 
as a work of great vigour. He was at that early time not 
only an author, but a preacher among the Friends, though 
only in his twenty-second year. 

That same year in which Robert Barclay came out as an 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 337 

author, be was married to Christiana Mollson, the daughter 
of an Aberdeen merchant; her religious principles corre- 
sponded with his own, and her mind in other respects suited 
his. Gentle and loving in her social relations, veiy highly 
and tenderly regarding her excellent father-in-law, kind and 
considerate to the poor, no marvel that she was most cor- 
dially welcomed to Ury by friends as well as retainers. 
This was in 1670, when Robert Barclay was twentj'-two 
years of age. In the year 1676 his great work, " Apology 
for the True Christian Diving, as held and preached by 
the people called Quakers," was published, first in Latin, and 
afterwards, by the author himself translated into English. 

The elder Barclay having fully identified himself with his 
suffering brethren, sought in vain to obtain the release of a 
number who were thrown into the Tolbooth prison for attend- 
ing the religious meetings of the Friends. He thus found 
that though his influence had formerly been so powerful in 
Aberdeen, it was now ineffectual when the partisan prepos- 
sessions of the magistrates and the mob went in another 
direction. So when he could do no better for the Friends 
in the Tolbooth, he used to visit them there, to comfort and 
console them, and these occasions were sometimes attended 
by insult to himself. The circumstances which surrounded 
this truly noble man, and the Christian principle and courage 
which supported him, are truthfully and beautifully depicted 
by the American poet Whittier in his — 

"BARCLAY OF URY. 

"Up the streets of Aberdeen, 
By the Kirk and College Green, 

Rode the Laird of Ury ; 
Close behind him, close beside, 
Foul of month and evil-eyed, 

Pressed tlie mob, in fury. 

"Flouted h'm the drunken churl, 
Jeered at him the serving-girl, 
Prompt to please her master ; 



338 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

And the begging carlin, lat? 
Fed and clothed at TJry's gate, 
Cursed him as he passed her. 

"Yet, -with calm and stately mien, 
"Up the streets of Aberdeen 

Came he, slowly riding ; 
And to all he saw and heard 
Answered not with b'.tter word, 

Turning not for chiding. 

" Came a troop with broad swords swinging 
Bits and bridles sharply ring'ng, 

Loose and free and froward ; 
Quoth the foremost, ' Ride him down ! 
Push him I prick him ! through the town 
Drive the Quaker coward I ' 

"But from out the thickening crowd 

Cried a sudden voice and loud, 
_ 'Barclay ! Ho ! the Barclay !' 
And the old man at his side 
Saw a comrade, battle-tried, 
Scarred and sunburned darkly ; 

"Who with ready weapon bare 
Fronting to the troopers there, 

Cried aloud, ' God save us ! 
Call ye eoward him who stood 
Ankle deep in Lutzen blood, 

With the brave Gustavus ? ' 

" ' Nay, I do not need thy sword, 
Comrade, mine,' said Ury's, lord ; 

4 Put it up, I pray thee ; 
Passive to His holy will, 
Trust I in my Master st 11, 

Even though He slay me. 

" ' Pledges of thy love and faith, 
Proved on many a field of death 

Not by me are needed.' 
Marvelled much the henchman bold 
That his laird, so stout of old, 

Now so meekly pleaded. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 339 

; ' Wae's the day,' he sadly said, 
With a slowly shaking head, 

And a look of pity ; 
'Ury's honest laird reviled, 
Mock of knave and sport of child 
In his own good city ! ' 

' Speak the word, and master mine, 
As we charged on Tilly's line 

And his Walloon lancers, 
Smiting through their midst we'll teach. 
Civil look and decent speech 

To these boyish prancers ! ' 

' Marvel not, mine ancient friend, 
Like beginning, like the end, ' 

Quoth the laird of Ury ; 
' Is the sinful servant more 
Than his gracious Lord, who bore 

Bonds and stripes in Jewry ? 

' Happier I, with loss of all, 
Hunted, outlawed, held in thrall, 

With few friends to greet me ; 
Than when shrieve and squire were seen, 
Riding out from Aberdeen, 

With bared heads to meet me. 

: 'When each goodwife, o'er and o'er, 
Blessed me as I passed her door ; 

And the snooded daughter, 
Through her casement glancing down 
Smiled on him who bore renown 

From red fields of slaughter. 

'Hard to feel the stranger's scoff, 
Hard the old friends falling off, 

Hard to learn forgiving ; 
But the Lord His own rewards, 
And His love with their accords, 

Warm and fresh and living. 

' Through this dark and stormy night, 
Faith beholds a feeble light, 
Up the blackness streaking ; 



340 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Knowing God's own time is best, 
In a patient hope I rest, 
For the full day breaking ! ' 

" So the Laird of "Cry said, 
Turning slow his horse's head 

Towards the Tolbooth prison ; 
Where through iron gates he heard 
Poor disciples of the "Word 
Preach of Christ arisen!" 

At length the time arrived when the Laird of Ury him- 
self was committed to the Tolbooth prison, in company 
with a number of his friends. We are told that after three 
months' confinement there, under much oppression and 
many painful circumstances, they were brought up for 
examination. Being fined for the offense of frequenting 
and keeping conventicles, and refusing to pay such fines, 
they were remanded back to their cells, and there they 
remained till the return of Robert Barclay from a religious 
journe}' in Holland and German}-. That appears to have 
been in 1676, and no doubt when he was at the Court of 
the Palatine, he had spoken of his father's confinement to 
the Princess, for in the letter we have previously quoted, 
she sa} T s, " I should admire God's providence if my brother 
could be a means of releasing your father and the forty 
more prisoners in Scotland. Having promised to do his 
best I know he will perform it." Doubtless, Prince Rupert 
did do his best ; and that his exertions were at last suc- 
cessful, we gather from the fact that Robert Barclay, 
on arriving in England from the continent, hastened to 
London, and from thence brought home with him an order 
from the King for the release of his father, and David 
Barclay was forthwith liberated. It is not stated whether 
the order for immediate release extended to the other 
prisoners or not. Be this as it nurv, it is clear that the 
pberation by royal order was regarded by the authorities 
in Aberdeen as a triumph to the chief prisoner, and as the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 341 

law against conventicles remained unaltered they deter- 
mined again to act on it. So they watched their oppor- 
tunity, and, ere long, coming down on the Friends when 
assembled for Divine Worship, some of them again were 
carried off to prison, among whom was Robert Barclay. 
They did not on this occasion, or ever again, venture to 
imprison his father, that having been looked upon before 
as such an outrage, that it was thought best not to repeat it. 

That the elder Barclay had been but a short time liber- 
ated from prison before the son was seized, is indicated by 
the dates of existing letters, written by the latter in Aber- 
deen prison, the earliest of which is that one to the Swarth- 
moor sisters already transcribed. 

In a letter to Archbishop Sharpe, dated from the "Chapel 
prison of Aberdeen, 26th 1st mo., 1677," Robert Barclay 
tells him that he was commonly reported as the chief 
author of, and instigator to the persecution then going 
forward against the Friends in that place, adding, " How 
far thou art guilty hereof thine own conscience can best 
tell; bat surely such practices, if thou hast either directly 
or indirectly had a hand in them, will neither commend 
thee to God nor to good men. And thou mayst assure 
thj-self that the utmost rigour that can be used to us shall 
never be able to make us depart from that living precious 
Truth that God in His mercy has revealed, unto us, nor 
frighten us from the public profession of it, yea, though we 
should be pursued to death itself. We doubt not (if we 
were thus martyred) but God would out of our ashes raise 
witnesses who should outlive all the violence and cruelty of 
man. And, albeit, though thyself should be most inex- 
orable towards us, thou mayst be assured thou wilt not 
receive any evil from us who by the grace of God have 
learned to suffer patiently ; and with our Lord and Master 
to pray for and love our enemies." 

The above letter, as before stated, is dated from " The 
Chapel prison of Aberdeen." His removal there arose from 



342 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Robert Barclay and some of his friends preaching to the 
populace from the street windows of the Tolbooth. Great 
numbers sometimes collected in the street below to listen 
to their exhortations ; hence they were removed, and closely 
confined in a cold, dark, narrow apartment, the door of 
which opened on the sea ; it was called the Chapel ; in it 
the prisoners had scarcely room for their beds, and could 
not see to eat their food without candles. From that they 
were released a few months after the date of the above 
letter. But it does not appear that the Archbishop had 
aught to do in setting them at liberty ; it seems to have 
mainly arisen out of a dispute between the magistrates and 
the sheriff. 

George Fox says in his journal that William Penn, 
Robert Barclay, Isabel Yeamans, and other Friends who 
are mentioned, sailed on the 25th of 5th mo., 1677, for 
Holland. It was on the occasion of this continental jour- 
ney that Robert Barclay made his last visit to the Princess. 
Some time after his return home he wrote thus : — 

To Sarah Fell. 

"Uky, 27th of 8th mo. [10th mo.], 1678. 

'• Dear S. F., — Some days ago I received both thy letters 
hy William Taj lor. I return thee this chiefly to try an 
experiment whether letters put in the post-office at Edin- 
burgh will come safely to your hands"; for which end I 
order this that way, and if it hit, let me have by the first 
post an answer, directing it for me, to be left with David 
Falconer, Merchant, Edinbro. I will not enlarge by this 
because uncertain of its safe conveyance. 

" I have been a prisoner since I left thy sister, but was 
kept only two nights. Patrick Livingstone has been out 
and in again. George Keith and Thomas Mercer were 
taken this day week. 

" From Holland I had last night a letter that gave me 
much satisfaction, in which was one enclosed from Her- 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 343 

warden from Anna Tan Home (the Countess) to Lillia- 
Skeme, very loving ; and a short postscript from Elizabeth 
(the Princess), in these words, ' Dear friend, I love your 
upright intention to travail in spirit for jour friends, 
though unknown to you, and doubt not it will prove 
efficacious to them in the Lord's due time ; which is the 
wish of 3-our loving friend, Elizabeth.' I defer other 
matters to further occasion. 

" My entire love to thy father and mother, to Isabel, my 
dear fellow-traveller, to Susan and Rachel, also thy Brother 
and Sister Lower, with Leonard and others of my acquaint- 
ance. Thou wilt excuse this briefness at this time, from 
thy very affectionate friend, 

" R. Barclay." 

The following letter announces the beginning of a happy 
change at Aberdeen in reference to Friends : — 

Robert Barclay to George Fox. 

" Edixbtxrgh, last of '10th mo., 1679. 

" Dear G. F., — To whom is my unfeigned love in the 
unchangeable Truth, and of whom to hear is alwaj's 
refreshful unto me. I know it will be acceptable to thee 
to understand that at last the tedious persecution at 
Aberdeen seems to have come to an end, for Friends have 
had their meetings peaceably near these two months, and 
dear Patrick Livingstone, after having had several peace- 
able meetings,- is now come away a noble conqueror from 
that place, and is gone to visit Friends in the West 
country, and then intends homeward by way of Newcastle. 
I doubt not but that God will abundantly reward his 
courage and patience, for his stay has been of great service 
to Truth and Friends in these parts. 

" I came here at the earnest desire of William Penn, 



344 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

and other Friends, to speak to the Duke of York concern- 
ing the New Jersey business ; hut fear there will he little 
effectual got done in it. I doubt it has been spoiled in the 
managing at first. 

" I should be very glad, if thy freedom will allow of it, 
to see thee in this country in the spring ; I know it would 
be of great service, for there are several things that would 
need it ; several things go cross, and are so now in divers 
places ; and I know no man's presence coidd so easily 
remedy it as thine. 

"My dear and entire love is to Margaret and all the 
family, and in the love of the unchangeable Truth I 
continue, 

" Thy real friend, 

" R. Barclay." 

The tragical death of Archbishop Sharpe, one of the 
most intolerant of religious persecutors, took place in the 
spring of 1G79. He was murdered in his carriage by a 
band of infuriated Presbyterians, who in the very act of 
assassination reviled him for his persecutions. Neverthe- 
less, the Presbyterians themselves were not in that age .free 
from the same spirit. After his violent death some of the 
magistrates of Aberdeen seemed equally anxious to crush 
Quakerism out of existence ; however, in higher quarters, 
the tide turning in favour of the Friends, the magistrates 
"were obliged to desist. The Princess Elizabeth having 
written to the Duke of York, and Robert Barclay pointing 
out to him the medium through which to exert the needful 
influence, a stop was put to the hostilities against the 
Friends in Aberdeen ; the prison doors at length were 
there and then opened, and never again closed on the 
Quakers, through the steady perseverance with which 
Barclay followed up the matter; but he met with many a 
disappointment before that was effected. Thus he wrote 
to the Princess Elizabeth after his last visit to her court : — 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 345 

" Albeit I had no great expectation of success, I resolved 
once more to try thy cousin, the Duke of York. I told 
him that I understood from Scotland, notwithstanding 
Lauderdale -was there, and had promised ere he went to do 
something, that our Friends' bonds were rather increased. 
I told him also that there was only one thing now to be 
done, and which was, to write effectually to the Duke of 
Lauderdale in that style wherein Lauderdale might under- 
stand he was serious in the business, and did really intend 
that the things he did write about should take effect; 
which I knew he might do, and if he would do, I must 
acknowledge as a great kindness. But if he did write, 
and not in this manner so that the other might not sup- 
pose hiin to be serious, I would rather he would excuse 
himself the trouble. Requesting, withal, that he would 
excuse my plain manner of dealing, as being different 
from the Court way of soliciting. All this he seemed to 
take in good part, and said he would so write as I desired 
for my father and me, but not for the general. So he hath 
give me a letter ; whether it will prove effectual or not I 
cannot determine. 

That letter proved only partially effectual ; but Barclay 
persevered as before stated, till at last the point was fully 
gained by the final liberation of all. 

The business which Robert Barclay in the foregoing 
letter to George Fox said he doubted had been spoiled in 
its first management, had reference to the affairs of East 
New Jersey. From the j-ear 1616, "West New Jersey had 
been under Quaker government. It was then (1679) legis^ 
lated for, and owned by a number of the Friends, who had 
purchased it from Lord Berkely. At the head of these 
was William Penn. And now Penn was anxious that his 
friend Barclay should unite as one of the purchasers of the 
eastern section of the State, the proprietor, Sir George 



346 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Carteret, having died. The purchase was ultimately con- 
cluded by a company of Scotchmen, composed of Anabap- 
tists and Quakers, Barclay being one of them. In 1683, 
Robert Barclay was appointed Governor of East New 
Jersey, by the twelve proprietors, among whom was his 
friend the Earl of Perth. The King confirmed the appoint- 
ment ; and the Royal Commission states : — " Such are the 
known fidelity and capacity of Robert Barclay, that he 
shall have the government during life ; but no other gov- 
ernor after him shall have it longer than for three years. 1 ' 
Besides being constituted governor for life, Barclay had 
5,000 acres of land above his proprietary share allotted to 
him to retain or bestow at his pleasure. That he accepted 
the appointment with all its responsibilities is sufficient to 
prove that he looked forward ultimately towards removing 
there ; but in the meantime, not feeling at liberty to leave 
Scotland, he appointed a deputy-governor, and some time 
after he sent over his two brothers with full instructions 
from himself. David, the younger of the two, who was a 
Quaker minister, was very ill at sea, and before reaching 
America he died. In little more than another year, the 
patriarchal Laird of Ury himself was laid low. When he 
felt the hand of death resting on him he said, u I shall 
soon go to the Lord and be gathered to many who are 
gone before me, and to my dear son," alluding to David. 
As the final hour drew near the expectant servant frequently 
exclaimed " Come, Lord Jesus ; O, come, come, my hope is 
in Thee ! " Still nearer to the last, as friends and family 
stood around his bed, looking at them lovingly, he said, 
" IIow precious is the love of God among His children, 
and their love one to another! Thereby shall all men 
know that ye are Christ's disciples if ye love one another! 
How precious it is to see brethren dwell together in love ! 
My love is with you, I leave it among you." Again he 
was heard to say, " Praises, praises, to the Lord! Let now 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 847 

Thy servant depart in peace. Into Thy hands, Father, I 
commit my soul ! Thy will, Lord, be done on earth as 
it is in heaven ! " 

" These sentences," says Robert Barcla}-, "he spoke by 
short intervals, one after another, and then fell asleep like 
a lamb." His body was borne to a new burial-place, on 
his own estate, selected by himself and prepared when in 
health. The interment took place on the 12th of 10th mo., 
1686. 

Robert Barclay made his last visit to London in 1688, 
accompanied by his .brother-in-law, Sir Ewen Cameron, 
who had been married to his sister Jean ; he also took with 
him his eldest son, Robert, a youth of sixteen, " devoted 
to religion," jet enjoying such glimpses of court life as 
frequent access to Windsor, accompanied by his father, at 
that time afforded. The chief object in this visit to the 
metropolis, was to assist in bringing to an amicable close 
a difference between his relatives, the Duke of Gordon 
and Sir Ewen Cameron, which, through King James's 
interposition, was happily accomplished. Two }-ears more 
of busy life and happy domestic surroundings elapsed, 
when, after returning home from a religious visit to some 
of the northern parts of Scotland, he was seized with a 
fever, which soon cut short the thread of life. Peeling a 
great weight of sickness upon him he said, " This I know, 
that whatever exercises may be permitted to come upon 
me, they shall turn to God's glory, and my salvation, and 
in that I rest." He died the 3rd of 9th mo., 1690, in the 
fortj- -second year of his age ; and by the side of his 
father's remains, at Ury, the son's were deposited. His 
excellent and amiable wife survived him thirty-two years. 

Robert Barclay's character has been thus drawn by his 
friend William Penn : — 

" He was distinguished by strong mental powers, partic- 
ularly by great penetration and a sound accurate judgment. 



348 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

His talents were much improved by a regular classical 
education. It does not, however, appear that his superior 
qualifications produced that elation of mind which is too 
often their attendant. He was meek, humble, and ready 
to allow others the merit they possessed. All his passions 
were under the most excellent government. Two of his 
intimate friends, in their character of him, declare that 
they never knew him to be angry. He had the happiness 
of early perceiving the infinite superiority of religion to 
every other attainment; and Divine grace enabled him 
to dedicate his life, and all that he possessed, to promote 
the cause of piety and virtue. For the welfare of his 
friends he was sincerely and warmly concerned; and he 
travelled and wrote much, as well as suffered cheerfully 
in support of the Societ\r and principles to which he had 
conscientiously attached himself. But this was not a blind 
and bigoted attachment. His zeal was tempered with 
charity, and he loved and respected goodness wherever he 
found it. 

" His uncorrupted integrity and liberality of sentiment, 
his great abilities, and the suavity of his disposition, gave 
him much interest with persons of rank and influence, and he 
emplo3'ed it in a manner that marked the benevolence of 
his heart. He loved peace, and was often instrumental in 
settling disputes, and in producing reconciliation between 
contending parties. In private lite he was equally amiable. 
His conversation was cheerful and instructive. He was a 
dutiful son, an affectionate and faithful husband, a tender 
and careful father, a kind and considerate master. With- 
out exaggeration, it may be said that piety and virtue were 
recommended by his example ; and that though the period 
of his life was short, he had, by aid of Divine grace, most 
wisely and happily improved it." 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 349 



CHAPTER XXY. 

1673—1686. 
Swakthjioor Account Book — Thomas Lower and family 

SETTLED AT MaESH GBANGE — SARAH Fell's MABEIAGE — HER 
INSTRUCTIONS FOR THE MANAGEMENT OF THE WOMEN FEIENES' 
MEETINGS — LETTEES FEOM SaEAH MEADE TO HEE MOTHEE 

and sistee — "Wm. Meade to Mabgabet Fox — Geoege Fox 
to Thomas Lower about the building of Swaethmooe 
Meeting-house. 

Happily one of the old Swarthmoor account books has 
been discovered, in which the family expenditure is entered 
from 1673 to 1678.* It is a curious relic of the times, and 
contains about 225 pages, in Sarah Fell's handwriting, 
filled with neatly, well kept entries of moneys received and 
monej-s paid out by her for family purposes. Those entries 
give us an interesting insight into the Swarthmoor house- 
keeping, and the current prices of the day. The extremely 
low rate of wages is that which strikes one as the most 
remarkable contrast to the present time. The following 
extracts will give an idea of these items : — 

" Extracts from the Swarthmoor Hall Housekeeper's 
Book. 

Cashjyaid by S. F. 
1673. £ s. d. 

Sept. 25th. To Peggy Dodgson for rubbing, 2 

days, . . • . . . .002 

By money paid sister Lower to pay her 

maid's quarter's wages, . . • .060 

* That Swarthmoor Account Book is now in the Thwaite Collec- 
tion. It was accidentally discovered some 60 or 70 years ago in a 
small shop in the outskirts of Lancaster. The owner, a descendant 
of Margaret Fell, had it with a quantity of other old Swarthmoor 
papers, ready to paper her wares in. 



350 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

1613. £ S. d. 

By money pd. for 6 meat dishes and a 

milk dish, . . . . . . 4±. 

By money paid Higgins for bringing 2 

keys of Mother's from Lancaster, .010 

3 \ lbs. butter— her account, . . . 8| 

By money paid for five chickens — Mother's 

account, 10 

T$y money pd. Thos. Benson for dying' 2 pr. 
stockings sky colour, of mine, and a petti- 
coat red, of mine, . « . . . Defaced. 

By money given a man that brought a 
haunch of venison William Kirby sent 
Mother, 1 

By money pd. F. Higgins for carriage of 
straw-case to Lancaster with clap-bread 
for Guli Penn, Defaced. 

By money pd. Ricd. Fell for binding and 

lettering the Great Bible, . . .016 

By money pd. for a hat for little Mary Lower 

I gave her, 6 

By money given M. Caton by us 4 sisters 

when we dined at sister Fell's, . .010 

B}' money Mother gave the servants at 
Swarthmoor when she went towards 
Worcester .036 

For 20 yds. of Cumberland cloth, . .2 

Paid for a vizard mask for myself & a hat, Defaced 

By money pd. for 1 yd. and nail of black 

paragon for apron for self, . . .020 

Paid for leading strings for little Margaret 

Lower, 2 

By monej^ pd. for a blue apron and strings 

for myself, 13 

By money pd. for 2 letters to Father, .010 






1C 











o^ 








6 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 351 

16T3. £ s. d. 

By money pd. for a black hood for sister 

Susan, 4 

By money pd. for a black alamode whiske 

for sister Rachel, . . . . .020 

By money pd. for a round whiske for sister 

Susanna, . . . . . .044 

Do. For a little black whiske for myself, 1 10 

By money pd. for carriage to Lancaster of 

a case of clap-bread for Ellis Hooks, . Defaced. 

To money paid for a Dutch spinning wheel 
for sister Rachel, .... 

Paid for a whelp for a sheep dog, 

Paid for a sheep dog — Mother's account, 

By money paid Father when he was going 
to Sedburg, 5 

By money pd. sister Rachel when she and 

Mother went with him, . . . .10 

By money pd. J. Higgins for a fat sheep 

when Wm. Penn was here, . . . T 6 

By money paid in expenses by mother when 
. she went to women's meeting in Lancas- 
ter, and camehome by Cartmel, to women's 

meeting there, 5 

1677. 

Dec. 4th. By mo. pd. of the women Friends' 
meeting stock for their order to Isabel 
Strickland, of Cartmel meeting, she being 
sickly, . . . - . . .040 
10th. By money mother gave F. Gayle when she 
was midwife to sister Lower, of Little 
Loveday, 

By money sister Rachel gave her then, 

By money sister Susanna gave her then, 

By money I gave sister's nurse then, 






2 


6 





1 








1 








1 






352 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOJR HALL, 

1611. £ s. d. 

By money to a collection for old Jane 
Woods, pr. Mother, sister Susan, sister 
Rachel, and self, 10 

By money pd. Moses Strickland, cooper — 

for coopering — 2 days, . . . . 10 
1678. 

July 29. By mo. pd. William Braithwait for weed- 
ing corn, 2 days, Mother's account, .004 

By mo. pd. Margt. Dodgson for weeding 

corn, washing, swingling, weeding the 

garden, working at hay, and other work, 

for 10 weeks — Mother's account,. . .066 

Octr. 29th. By money pd. Jane Caton for knitting 

a pr. of stockings for little Wm. Yeamans, 3^ 

By money pd. Issa Newby for working ha}', 

12 days, 16 

By money given towards building Lancaster 
Meeting-house — by Mother, £1 10s. ; Br. 
Lower, £1 10s. ; sister Susanna, sister 
Bachel and myself, 10s. each, . . 4 10 

By money pd. for clogging a pr. of clogs 
and for nailes to mend shoes, for my boy, 
Tom Harrison — own account, . . . 5| 
Nov. 15. By money lent Richd. Yourith when 

he went to prison, 18 

By money pd. Jn. Higgins for carrying 
post-letters to Lancaster, and bringing by 
letters — for 1 year, 4 

Gash received. 

1677. 

July 19th. To money received for a pr. of plough- 
ing oxen at Hornby fair — Mother's ac- 
count, 10 18 10 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 353 

i&tl. £ s. d. 

25th. To money received of Henry Cowan 

and Roger Hay dock, that was pd. by bill 

for Edwd. Herle, to whom Bro. Lower 

pd. like value in Cornwall, being his own 

account, 100 

26. To money received of Agnes Wailes for a 
cheese of Mother's that she bought when 
her mo. died, 10 

Oct. 27. To money received of my boy, Tom 

Harrison, to keep for him, . . . 1 T 

Nov. 1st. To mo. received of Wm. Wilson's wife, 
of Ulverston, for 1 peck of seed wheat of 

Mother's, 3 6 

To mo. received of Mother's for a cow hide 

that she killed, It 

To mo. received for a bullock's hide of Bro. 

Lower's that he killed, . . . . 18 

1678. 

Aug. To money received of Henry Benson (in 
full 4s. 5d.) for ploughing 1 acre of grass 
land, . 2 6 

Nov. To money received of Henry Coward, in 
part, for Iron sold him belonging to Wm. 

Wilson's account, 20 

To money received of Jane Colton, in full, 

for a peck of wheat, . . . . 1 2| 
5th. To money received of Edwd. Brit tain 
that I laid down for him, and which 
he gave towards building Lancaster 

Meeting-house, 2 6 

To money received of Roger Haydock that 
Mother sent him to give to the Friends 
in Cheshire that suffered on account of 
her being fined there, but they would not 
take it, so he returned it again, . . 20 



354 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

The first date in the book is " 25th September, 1673." 
The last date in it is "15th August, 1678." 

It is evident from some of the foregoing entries, that 
Thomas and Mary Lower, with their children, were living 
at Swarthmoor during a part of the time over which they 
extend. This applies to a period prior to 1676 ; for a deed 
of convej'ance, still in existence, proves in that year that 
Thomas Lower purchased the estate of Marsh Grange from 
the Fells, and he probably removed to Marsh Grange House 
that same year. This conjecture is confirmed by the fol- 
lowing remarkable narrative, which is taken from the Jour- 
nal of John Banks, of Whinfell Hall, Cumberland : — 

" About this time (1676) a pain struck into my shoulder, 
and gradually fell down into my arm and hand, so that I 
was wholly deprived of their use. The pain increased both 
day and night. For three months I could neither put my 
clothes on nor off — my arm and hand began to wither — I 
applied to some phj-sicians, but could get no ease by any of 
them. At last, while asleep on my bed in the night, I saw 
in a vision, that I was with dear George Fox, and thought 
I said to him,—' George, nry faith is such that if thou seest 
thy way to lay thy hand upon my shoulder, my arm and 
hand shall be whole throughout.' This remained with me 
for days and nights, so that I felt as if the thing was a true 
vision, and that I must go to George Fox, until at last, 
through much exercise of mind as a great trial of my faith, 
I was made willing to go to him, he being then at Swarth- 
moor, in Lancashire, where there was a meeting. Some 
time after the meeting on First-day, I called him aside out 
of the Hall, and gave him a relation of my dream, showing 
him my arm and hand. In a little time, as we walked together 
silently, he turned about, looking upon me, and lifting up 
his hand, laid it upon my shoulder, saying, — ' The Lord 
strengthen thee both within and without.' I went to Thomas 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 355 

Lower's, of Marsh Grange, that night, and when I was set 
clown to supper, immediately and before I was aware, my 
hand was lifted up to do its office, which it could not do for 
long before. This struck me with great admiration, and 
my heart was broken into tenderness before the Lord. 
The next day I went home with my hand and arm restored 
to its former use and strength, and without pain. The 
nest time that George Fox and I met he said, ' John, thou 
mended?' I answered, 'Yes, veiy well, in a little time.' 
1 Well,' said he, ' give Grod the glory.' " 

In 1681 Sarah Fell was married to William Meade, of 
London. The marriage took place at Devonshire House, in 
4th mo. of that year. I have met with a document written 
by Sarah about a month before that event, which indicates 
that on her had previously devolved the clerkship of Lan- 
cashire Quarterly Meeting. It shows us also at what an 
early date in the society the programme of our women's 
meetings for discipline was settled. The document is as 
follows : — 

" Instructions how you may order the business in the Quar- 
terly Women's Meeting Book. 

'' What business passes in the meeting is to be recorded 
in the book. But you must have a sheet of paper and write 
it thereon first in the meeting while matters are in discourse ; 
for then things are freshest, and words will rise most suitable 
to answer the matter in hand. At leisure it may be written 
fairly in the book, observing my way and the method I 
have used. 

'• The first business to be done is to call over the Meetings, 
and see that there be some women from every particular 
meeting in the county. In the beginning of the book they 
are entered one after another, by which you niay call them 
over in order. If there be any meeting that there is no 
women from, that neglect must be taken notice of, and. 



356 THE PELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

inquiry made into the cause; and if it requires it, they 
should be reproved for their slackness, and desired to be 
more careful for the future. 

" At the meeting which is in the 7th month every year, 
inquiry must be made how it is with the women in every 
particular meeting in the county as to the clearness of their 
testimonies against tithes and unrighteous demands, touch- 
ing the priest's wages and steeple-house repairs, &c, at 
which meeting an account is to be brought from every 
particular meeting in the county, either by word or writing, 
so that you may be satisfied that the Lord's truth and 
power are kept up over their oppression ; and that this 
people be a clear people before Him in truth and upright- 
ness of heart. 

" When any meeting gives account of testimonies 
brought in of women that are added to the. meetings, either 
by being convinced of late, or added by marriage into the 
meeting, such testimonies not being recorded in the book 
before, you must record fairly at leisure, as I have done 
formerly. About the middle of the book, look, and there 
you will find the women's testimonies in order recorded. 

" If there be any papers of condemnation brought from 
any who have fallen into transgression, if the matter be 
recorded in the book and discoursed on. at the meeting, let 
such papers be fixed in the book with a wafer, as I have 
done before, as you may see. Whatever good papers or 
epistles of my father's or other Friends, as come to you, 
may be read in the meetings from time to time, as there is 
occasion. There are some loose in the book that have ' 
been read formerly, of which you may get Thomas Dockrey 
to record the best and suitablest. I have often had it in 
my mind to record some of them in the book, but had so 
much business, &c, that I could not get it done, but would 
desire of you that it may not be neglected much longer. 

" This, in short, is what is in my mind [to say to you] 
at present ; and it is my belief, my confidence, that the Lord 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 357 

God, who supplies all His people -with what is needful, will 
fit and furnish you in His holy wisdom, to perform and 
manage this His work and service as there shall he neces- 
sity. Unto Him I commit you for. strength, wisdom, and 
counsel, to whom be praises for evermore. 

" S. F, 

" 15th of 3rd mo., 1681. 
" For my dear Sisters, Mary Lower, Susanna Fell, and 
Rachel Fell."* 

The " testimonies " spoken of in the above were, "doubt- 
less, the statements of their principles which individual 
members (in accordance with the yearly meeting's advice) 
had handed in respecting the tithe question, corresponding 
with those mentioned by Margaret Fawcett in 1677. 

The following shows us how much Sarah's executive 
business habits were missed in the family, and that they 
had occasionally after her marriage to apply to her for 
information about pecuniary affairs : — 

Sarah Meade to her Mother. 

"Londox, 29th of WtJi mo. [Dec], 1683. 
" Dear and honoured Mother, — Thine of the 20th instant 
I received last night, and read it to my father, he lodging 
here that night. As to the account betwixt thee and sister 
Susanna, it is thus : — Thou owed her, when I came out of 
the north, £61 Os. 5d., which she laid out for thee of her 
own monej'- whilst she was in the north by herself. And 
before thou went down, more to the amount of £19 Is. 8d. 
Both sums being £30 2s. Id, I reckon thou hast paid 
her of it £22 out of my father's part of the forge money. 
She had in Thomas Rawlinson's hand £100 ; and thou writ 
that thou put out for her, last Candlemas, £40 on Joseph 
Nicholson's land. Both sums that thou hast paid her 

* From the original in tlie Thirnbeck Collection. 



358 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

make £62, and now thou owes her £18 2s. Id. This is as 
full and plain an account as I can give, and which I hope 
will be to thy understanding and satisfaction. This much 
I writ you formerly, and you were satisfied with it at that 
time ; hut it goes out of your minds again, and seems 
strange to you afterwards. To prevent future mistakes, I 
would advise sister Abraham to put this all down in a 
book. Also the £122 owing to my father. Then, on 
looking into the book, you would see how the account 
stands without the trouble of examining former letters. 

" The weather is very sharp and cold here, it being keen 
frost with some snow. It is pretty hard for poor Friends 
to stand in the street, being kept out of their meeting- 
houses. But the Lord preserves beyond expectation. 
You had need to put on a good store of clothes [such 
weather]. I hope the Lord will preserve thee in health 
and lengthen thy days. lie is the only [true] support and 
strength of His children, 

" J. Grildart }vent out of town yesterday. I have sent 
a box directed to sister Abraham, and within the box at 
top there is a letter for her, mentioning what is sent in the 
box ; to which letter I refer you. Also he hath two parcels 
more — one for sister Lower, and one for sister Yeamans, 
for which orders came after the box was put up. 

" I send with this letter one for sister Lower from 
brother which has lain somewhere by the way, for it should 
have come last week. We thought it long that we heard 
not from him, but suppose the letter was stopped either by 
the stormy weather or some other way. His business here 
lies, as it did, not perfected. The Court has been very 
busy of late ; great wheels move slowly, but we have good 
hopes to effect it in time. 

" I would have sister Yeamans know that we heard Fr. 
Rogers is married to the young widow that he was about. 
Mary Wooley much as she was — some hope of her recovery. 
Elizabeth Harris's son, that came from beyond sea, I 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 359 

hear is to marry Mary Wright's 3~oung daughter who 
comes to meetings. They are indifferent well at Kingston 
as I hear, — little Margaret Rous pretty well again. We 
are also pretty well here, blessed be the Lord. 

" My husband, and sister Susanna, and self, present our 
dear respects and duty to thee, and our kind love to 
brother and sisters. 

" I am thy truty loving 

" dutiful daughter 

Sarah Meade."* 

" The sister Abraham " mentioned above, is Rachel, who 
was married in 1682 to Daniel Abraham. They continued, 
at her Mother's desire, to reside at Swarthmoor Hall after 
their marriage. We shall again recur to Rachel's history 
in a future chapter. 

It so happens that the letter to " sister Abraham," 
alluded to as enclosed in the box, has also come into my 
hands, and, as it gives some curious particulars and insight 
into little family matters, and the way in which Sarah's 
home feelings found expression, I gladly give it insertion : — 

Sarah Meade to her sister Rachel Abraham. 

"London, the 19th of 10th [December], 16S3. 

" Dear sister Abraham, — I have endeavoured to fit my 
dear mother with black cloth for a gown, which is very 
good and fine, and as much as Jno. Richards saith is 
enough to the full, 5 yards and half, and what materials as 
he thought was needful to send down, viz*-' silk, both sewing 
and stitching, gallowne ribbon, and laces, and I was very 
glad to know what she wanted, for it has been in nry mind 
a pretty while to send her and 3 r ou something, and I could 
not tell what she might need, or might be most serviceable 
to her, was the reason of my thus long forbearance, and so 

* From the original in the Shackleton Collecton. 



360 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

I desire her acceptance of it, and yours of the small things 
underwritten : — . 

" 3 pair of doe skin gloves such as are worn in winter, 
for mother, sister Lower, and thyself: the thickest pair for 
mother if they fit her, hut that I leave to you to agree on 
as 3-ou please. 

" 1 pair same sort of gloves, for brother Abraham. 

' ; 4 ells of Holland, for sister Lower and thyself, each 2 ells. 

" 2 pots of balsam, one for my mother, the (ot)her for 
sister Yeamans. 

" 3 pocket almanacs, for sister Yeamans, sister Lower, 
and thyself. 

" 1 muslin niglitrail for sister Yeamans, which she sent 
for. 

" 100 needles, of which half for sister Yeamans, which 
she sent for, the other half hundred for sister Lower and 
thyself. 

" Sister Susanna, understanding from sister Yeamans 
that Hen : Coward expected something from her, for the 
care he took about her money [though she did not reckon 
herself behind if things on all hands were considered], yet 
as a small acknowledgment of his care and respect in it, 
she hath sent him and his wife each a pair of doeskin gloves, 
which she desires thee to send them with the remembrance 
of her kind love to them. 

•■" There is [in the box] for sister Lower, which she sent 
to sister Susanna to buy her, — A coloured stuff manteo, 
cost 14s., and 11 yards and half of black worsted stuff, at 
2s. per yard, cost 22s. Sister Susanna exchanged the old 
20s. piece of gold, as she desired, which yielded 23s. 6d., 
so she is out of purse for her 12s. 6d. Black stuff was 
worse to get than coloured, which is now mostly worn ; 
but she hath done as well as she can, and hopes it will 
please her; it's a strong serviceable stuff. Also sister 
Lower sent for a Bible, for cousin Margery, which sister 
Susanna sends to the child for a token, and hopes it may 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 361 

suit her well. I feared it was too small a print, "but several 
tell us it's fittest for a child, having young eyes, that should 
learn all prints, Doth small and great. 

" Sister Yeamans sent to me for Will. Yeamans 7 old 
clothes, that he had left off wearing, for Ja: Geldart, and 
Dan : Cooper. I have sent for them, but it's such a cross 
way to where he is, they are not yet come, nor I fear will 
not before Ja : Geldart goes out of town ; so I must send her 
them by the carrier, and if they be not worth carriage, I 
cannot help it, it was her own request to have them. She 
mentions Ja : Geldart going that way for them, but it is too 
much out of his way. Tell her she did not lose her needle 
case here, nor in Bridgett's room, that we can hear of. 
Also tell her Mary Frith presents her service to her, and 
takes it kindly that she should send her her fillet. Nought 
else but mine, my husband's and sister's duty to our dear 
mother, and dear and kind love to thee, to brother, and to 
sister Yeamans, and sister Lower. 

" I am thy affectionate sister, 

" S. M." 

[P.S.] " We advise you to make my mother's cloth gown 
without a skirt, which is very civil, and usually so worn, 
both by young and old, in stiffened suits. 

" I send my mother's books and papers, that were in my 
father's chest, as she desired, but my husband wished to 
have the King's grant kept a while longer, seeing there 
will be some occasion for it, about brother Lower's busi- 
ness, and I hope it will be no prejudice to jou. Also I 
send my sister Fell's bond, which belongs to the last 
articles she made to my mother ; it was left here through 
some mistake among other papers ; be careful of it and put 
it to the articles of the bargain ; you do not know but you 
may have occasion for it hereafter. I have put it in the 
paper among your gloves, where thou may find it."* 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection. 



362 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Brother Lower's business," above alluded to, was no 
less than a sentence of premunire which had been pro- 
nounced by magistrates in Cornwall against Thomas Lower. 
He went there to transact some business in 1683, and tem- 
porarily took up his abode at the old family residence at 
Tregangreeves, where, with some other Friends, he held a 
religious meeting, open to those neighbours who chose to 
attend. On that occasion he and two others were appre- 
hended and taken before the justices at Grampound, where, 
almost without a hearing, they were all premunired — thus 
sentenced to be imprisoned for life. For three years 
Thomas Lower remained a prisoner, till released by royal 
proclamation in 1686. 

The next letter, written about five months after the 
foregoing, informs us of other interesting family events : — 

Sarah Meade to her Mother. 

London, 17th 3rd mo. [May], I6S4. 

" Dear and honoured Mother, — M} r dear husband gave 
thee an account last week how mercifully the Lord hath 
been pleased to deal with us ; and being indifferent well at 
that time, I now write a few lines myself that thou might 
know how it is with us. 

" ~Sly sweet babe has been very likely thus far, and is 
thriving as much aS could be expected in the time. He 
has been a little forward this day and last night, but I 
hope it is but wind, and that he will soon be better again. 
I am fine and well, and endeavouring to nurse, if the Lord 
give me [ability and strength], but the weather is hot at 
present, and so may be some hindrance. He is a fine child, 
and we desire never to forget the Lord's mercy in giving 
him, and that we may resign him to the Lord, committing 
him to His arms, who is able as He pleases to give life and 
health, and unto whom we are to be subject in all things. 

"Sister Rous and all her children are in town, and 
indifferent well, as is Father. We have yours by H. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 363 

Conrad. I cannot enlarge only to add my husband's and 
sister's affectionate duty and respect to thee, with our kind 
love to brother and sisters. 

" I am thy dutiful daughter, 

" S. M. 

" Francis Kent stayed with me a week after I was laid. 
She is a fine woman ; it was the Lord sent her to me." * 

The letter which follows, written about two months 
later, is the first I have met with from Gooseyes, the coun- 
try residence oi the Meades in Essex : — 

Sarah Meade to her Sister Rachel Abraham. 

"G-ooseyes, 10th of Zihmo. [July,] 168 4. 

"Dear Sister, — This may advise you that we received 
both of my dear mother's letters written lately from 
Swarthmoor and from Lancaster, by which we perceive 
the spoil the wicked men make. I question not but the 
Lord will fit His people for [bearing] these things, and 
reward them for what is suffered upon His accouut ; unto 
Him we must fly, and call upon Him in every time of trial. 
Blessed be His name, He still affords His living power and 
presence to His people, which are more than outward 
things ; and He will reward His enemies in His own due 
time. 

"As for the pardon mother writes for, Councillor Dormer 
hath seen it, and says it will not signify much as to what 
she mentions ; for though thej r prosecute her by the name 
of Margaret Fell, that will not be for positive against 
them, she being still the same person, and went once under 
that name. My husband thinks it will be to no purpose to 
throw away money on that account : nevertheless I shall 
take care to haA T e it sent to you against the assizes. 

" We heard from father this week ; he was well at 

* From the original in the Miller Collection. 



364 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Amsterdam, and expected to return to England in two or 
three weeks. Care shall be taken that the £30 shall he 
paid to young Thomas Greaves at the time thou desires. 
I take thy care in getting in the forge money very kindly ; 
it would be hard to get it if not looked after carefully by 
some one in the country. Since j r ou have got 30s. of that 
ill smith, do not use any severe course for the remainder ; 
but if you cannot get it by fair means it must be lost, and 
I shall abate it out of that which is due to me. But I do 
entreat thee to pursue the getting the £10 10s. from 
J. Marshall, for it is time it were paid,, It must be called 
hard for, for when some begin to linger in paying they are 
mighty loath to do it at all. 

""We are well, and the child thrives — blessed be the- 
Lord for all His mercies. I heard from sister Rous this 
week ; she and .her family were well, as is also little 
William Yeamans, from whom I had a letter this day. 

" My dear husband, sister Susanna, and m}*self, present 
our duty and true love, and respects to our dear mother, 
and our kind love to thee and thy husband, and to sister 
Lower with her children, blessing the Lord for all your 
healths and welfare. 

" I am thy truly loving 

" and affectionate Sister, 

"S.-M;"* 

" The spoil the wicked men make," referred to in the 
above, is further detailed by Margaret Fox herself, who 
thus writes of the cruel and oppressive proceedings which 
marked that dark period. 

" When my husband was from home, it being a time of 
great persecution by informers, the justices of our county 
were very severe, and much bent against me, because I 
kept a meeting at my house, so they did not fine the house 
as his, he being absent, but fined it as mine, as being the 

* From the original in the collection of James Dix. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 365 

-widow of Judge Fell. They fined me £20 for the house, 
and £20 for speaking in the meeting, and then fined me £40 
the second time for speaking. They also fined some other 
Friends for speaking, £20 the first time, and £40 for the 
second time, and when some were not able to pay, they 
fined others for them ; and they made great spoil amongst 
Friends by distraining and selling their goods, sometimes 
for less than half their value ; they took [at that time] 
thirty head of cattle from me. Their intentions were to 
ruin us and weary us out, and to enrich themselves ; but 
the Lord prevented them." 

The following letter from Sarah to her mother, was 
written eight months after the preceding one : — 

Sarah Meade to Margaret Fox. 

"Goosetes, the 20th, 1st mo. [March], 1685. 
" Dear and honoured Mother, — This is to give thee, with 
the rest of our relations, an account that my husband, sister 
Susanna, little Nathaniel, and myself, with our family, &c, 
are this day come well to Gooseyes. It proved a very 
warm pleasant day so that I hope the child hath not taken 
cold ; he is much better in his health than when you left 
him, and his cold much abated. I hope the country air 
may agree with the child, and with us all. Sister Susanna 
is also better and stronger then when you went from 
London. Brother Lower went towards Cornwall on Fourth 
day, and father went towards Enfield, to Edward Mann's. 
Brother Lower would have his wife to know that the mops 
and box were put aboard with the other goods for Liver- 
pool, and he spoke with the master of the ship, who told 
him he would have 35s. for the freight of the goods, and 
that he never had less than Is. apiece for carrying a chair, 
so that their chairs will stand them in Is. apiece at least. 
Your box for Lancashire is sent with the carrier this day, 
with a box of Barbadoes China oranges, that brother Rous 
sends you, viz : — two dozen to thee and sister Abraham, 



dbb THE FELLS OF SWA11THM00B, HALL, 

and two dozen for sister Lower and her children. I 
suppose they will be at Lancaster on next Third day, come 
a week. I could get no loose pins for sister (though I sent 
Mary to Will Shewen's for them, but they had none) so I 
bought her pius in papers, and there is a parcel which W. 
Shewen sent thee for a token. Brother Lower was to see 
after some looking-glasses for sister Lower, as she desired 
at Salisbury Court, and they promised to send some in 
next day, but none came, nor we could not tell where to 
enquire for tbem, so none are sent her in the box. All 
things else that she desired, I think, are sent her, which 
brother paid me for. I spoke with Robert Barclay yester- 
day on thy business ; he said he had spoken to the Secre- 
tary about it twice, but he durst not speak to the King in 
it, so that I fear little will be done but what will be general ; 
he said he would write to thee himself about it. The sick- 
ness among the soldiers we hear abates. The bill of mor- 
tality was decreased last week 91. We shall long to hear of 
your good journey, and getting well to your own homes 
and finding our dear relations there in health. My dear 
husband gives you the remembrance of his love, and true 
respects, and the [impression ofj peace, good sense, and 
satisfaction, that he hath every way of you, will not easily 
be obliterated. Also my sisters and myself do remember 
our dear respect and duty unto thee, and dear and kind 
love to sister Lower, brother and sister Abraham, and being 
in haste, only add that I am, 

" Thy dutiful daughter, 

" S. M."* 

Endorsed : — " Aunt Meade's letter to my honoured grand- 
mother. || J. Abraham. 1 '' 

By remarks in the above letter, about Thomas Lower 
making purchases in London for his wife, it will be per- 

* From the or'ginal in John Abraham's Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 35 T 

ceived there was a break in his incarceration. The fact is, 
he had by special favour been permitted to go to see hU 
family, and from thence come up to London for a short 
time, soon returning again to his Cornish prison, with the 
sentence of premunire still hanging over him. It is very 
probable that, like George Fox, he thought that to sue for 
or to accept a pardon from the King, was by implication 
an acknowledgment that he had done wrong. He was not 
freed from the heavy sentence of perpetual imprisonment 
and confiscation of all his property, till James II., on 
William Penn's solicitation, in 1686, by a general procla- 
mation, released all the Friends and others throughout the 
kingdom, who were under the ban of premunire or other- 
wise imprisoned for matters of conscience. Then Thomas 
Lower was enabled joyfully to return to his family at 
Marsh Grange, and the spirit of religious persecution 
around Swarthmoor and elsewhere received a check. 

The house at Marsh Grange,* which was the ancestral 
residence of the Askews and afterwards the home of the 
Lowers, was formerly lai'ger than at present, a wing at each 
side of the main building having been removed. It is a fine 
old place, situated near the estuary of the Duddon, not far 
from Kirkby Irleth. The windows have recently been 
modernized, but otherwise the premises give a good idea of 
what they were in Thomas Lower's time. 

On the 20th of 1st mo., 1686, Sarah Meade, writing to her 
mother from London, says : 

" I wrote thee last week, and sent thee the King's general 
pardon, and a copj' of a particular order for Friends, which 
the King has since signed with his own hand, and has 
directed it to the attorney-general, who is to send out 
particular orders to every county, which Friends are now 
about getting out, in order to be sent into the counties, as 
soon as the}' - can be finished." 

* See frontispiece. 



368 THE FELLS OF SWARTHM00R HALL, 

About two weeks later she writes from Gooseyes : — " We 
received brother Abraham's, letter of the 25th of last month, 
and are glad the King's proclamation that we sent did 
Friends service. We came to this place last Fifth-day, and 
got well hither with our child, for which praised be the 
Lord." She then enters into a mother's anxious details 
respecting the health of her darling boy, which had been 
recently out of order, adding : — "I am a little fearful of him 
still, though he is prett} T cheerful. We give him strength- 
ening things, but he drinks spring water yet, which we have 
thought has done well with him. I earnestly desire thy 
prayers to the Lord for his preservation that he may be an 
instrument in his hand to promote His glory."f 

Undisturbed peace in Swarthmoor meetings, so far as 
magisterial interference was concerned, succeeded for a time 
the authoritative mandate of the King ; but another source 
of annoyance arose within the family, as indicated in the 
following from — • 

William Meade to Margaret Fox. 

"Gooseyes, the 10th of the 2nd month, 1687. 

"Dear Mother, — We have thine of the 21st of the last 
month, and as to that part which concerns me to answer, I 
say, as before, £110 per annum is thy due from thy daughter 
Fell, she having not given thee security for the £100 ac- 
cording to the articles ; but whether it be worth thy while 
to refuse the £50 for the sake of the other £5 for the first 
half-year, seeing if thou do, then thou must bring leases of 
ejectment against all the tenants, and there being so many 
small ones it will be a great charge, of this thou art best 
able to judge ; but she will pay thee nothing during the suit, 
so that upon the whole, 'tis my judgment, thou hadst better 

t All the above extracts are from letters in John Abraham's 
Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 369 

lose the £10 a year, for peace sake, as thou hast done for- 
merly. Thy receiving £50 of her, for half a year, only binds 
thee for the time thou so receives it, but thou has. liberty 
to come iu for the £110 per annum for the succeeding years 
if thou please. As to her stopping the footway to Ulverstone, 
it having been of so long continuance, 'tis thy right, and 
thy family's going from thy house, free egress and regress, 
as "well as from theirs, wherefore thou mayst demand it of 
them as thy right, which will be greatly to her shame and 
reproach if she refuse it, and if she be so perverse as to do 
so, you had better peaceably suffer it, and go further about, 
than to begin a suit which doth but gratify her quarrelsome 
mind ; however, maintain your right by words and arguments 
as far as you can with her, and as for her locking up the 
gates, take witness of it, and demand of her to open them 
to let you go forth ; and if she refuse, break open the lock 
and get the gates opened, taking good witness of what you 
do, and put it in writing with the witnesses' hands to it, for 
she may as well lock you in your own house, as stop 3*011 
from the passage of the gates, in and out ; but before you 
break open the lock, read this declaration herewith sent thee, 
and thou mayst go to the nest Justice, and complain that 
Friends are kept out of their usual meeting-house, contrary 
to the King's command herein mentioned. My father would 
have my brother Lower, now he is providing stone and slate, 
to provide the quantity that is fitting for repair at Pettis. 
I know not, but I have fully answered that part of thy letter 
which concerns me. I write this latter part at London, all 
being well at Gooseyes. 

My duty is to thee, and love to brothers and sisters, 
remaining thy dearly respectful and obedient son, 

" Wm. Meade." 

Sarah adds a few lines, addressed to her sister Rachel, 
in which she says : — 

-'I sent a box per Ja : Geldart, which was for brother 



370 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Lower ; 21bs. of chocoletta for my dear mother and thyself, 
with two books of testimonies touching Ann Whiteheade. 
I hope you have received them."* 

The place alluded to in the foregoing letter, under the 
name of Pettis, was a dwelling-house and out-offices, with 
three or four acres of land, near Swarthmoor Hall, which 
George Fox had purchased. His object in that will be 
explained by the following extract from a letter addressed 
by him to Thomas Lower, a short time before the date of 
the above : — 

George Fox to Thomas Lower. 

" Kingston-on-Thames, 15th 12 mo., 16S6. 

11 1 offer and give up freely to the Lord for the service of 
His sons and daughters, and servants called Quakers, the 
house and houses, barn and kiln, stable, and all the land, 
with the garden and orchard, being about three acres of 
land, more or less, with all the commonage, great turfing, 
moss, with whatsoever privileges belonging to it, called 
Pettis at Swarthmoor, in the parish of Ulverstone. And 
also my ebony bedstead, with painted curtains, and the 
great elbowchair that Robert Widcler sent me, and my 
great sea case with the bottles in it. I do give, to stand 
in the house as heir-looms, when the house shall be made 
use of as a meeting-place, so that Friends [who go to lodge 
there] may have a bed to lie on, a chair to sit on, and a 
bottle to hold a little water to drink. 

" The land is free from all tithes, and it may keep the 
meeting-house in order and repair. Let the rent of the 
ground and malt-house maintain the meeting-house, which 
maybe made either from the barn, or the house as the 
Lord shall let Friends see which is best. Slate it and pave 
the way to it and about it, that Friends may go dry to 

* Frora the original in John Abraham's Collection. 



# AND THEIR FRIENDS. 371 

their meeting. You may let any poor honest Friend live 
in the house, and so let it all be for the Lord's service, to 
the end of the world. Let Friends make as safe and firm 
"writings concerning it as they can, and let John Rous, aud 
Thomas Lower, and "William Meade, and Daniel Abraham 
be trustees to settle this, with some [Friends] of the 
monthly meeting of Swarthmoor, and some of the quarterly 
meeting of Lancaster, that so Friends may be sure of a 
meeting-house for ever that is free, and will maintain itself, 
and which is the Lord's."* 

Swarthmoor meeting-house, thus built and endowed by 
George Fox, has latterly lost much of its antique air by the 
removal of the ancient windows. But "the great elbow 
chair " that Robert Widder sent George Fox is there still ; 
and also another that came from Swarthmoor Hall. Both are 
of richly-carved oak. The remains of the ebony bedstead 
are also to be seen. And George Fox's folio Bible is 
there, with a chain by which it was formerly attached to 
the preacher's gallery. 



CHAPTER XXVI. 

1670—1684. 

John Abraham's Letters to Margaret Fox— M. F. to J. A. — 
Daniel Abraham to Rachel Fell — Their Marriage — 
George Fox to Margaret Fox — Daniel Abraham to his 
Wipe— Sketch of Leonard Fell — Sdsanna Fell to her 
Sister— John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

The Abraham family, which became connected with the 
Fells a few months after Sarah's union with William 
Meade, now claims attention. 

John Abraham (or yet more anciently, Aburgham), 
father of Rachel Fell's future husband, was a Manchester 

* From the Benson Collection. 



372 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

merchant. He was son of Richard Abi-akam, of Warring- 
ton, not far from the township of Abram. In his early- 
clays he is said to have been an officer in the army of the 
Commonwealth. Of his first acquaintance with Friends 
and adoption of their principles we have no account, but 
in the early records of the Society he is spoken of as a 
minister who had in the exercise of his gift travelled in 
Ireland and Scotland. His earliest letter that remains is 
addressed to Margaret Fell, but it is without date ; another 
also to her is preserved which was written in 1610. Both 
are in the Devonshire House Collection :— 

John Abraham to Margaret Fell. 

" M. F. — In dear love do I salute thee. Ah ! thou my 
dear friend, let thy prayers be for me, that I may be pre- 
served out the snares and cunning might of the devil, who 
is ready to betray the harmless and innocent. Truly, 
Margaret, my very heart is ready to melt, and my eyes are 
filled with tears, when I consider what I am to pass 
through in my outward tread, lest that the little and tender 
ones of the Lord should any way suffer [through me]. 
The gift of the Lord is so dear to me that a thousand 
worlds are not to be valued with it. Let me not be out of 
thy remembrance, but let thy prayers be often for me who 
am desirous to go on, though thorny be the way and it be 
with weeping. I desire thee to remember my love to thy 
daughter Margaret. 

" John Abraham." 

John Abraham to Margaret Fox. 

$4t7i of lOtli mo., 1G70. 

" My dear Friend, — I had thoughts I might have seen 
thee this month, hoping to be at next quarterly meeting, 
which thing I earnestly desired, but I am disenabled by 
weakness and sickness and pain, and could desire my 
friends at the meeting to know of it. 



AND TIIEIR FRIENDS. 373 

" I did send 15s. to Richard Clayton for a poor man, 
which I suppose Richard received. And some days ago I 
sent 17s. more, with a letter to acquaint the Friends how it 
is with me ; but not knowing how that letter may he 
disposed of I write again, that Friends may know of it. 

" Cuthbert Hand wrote to me again and did not take 
that for an answer thou sent. Though he was fully 
answered, but lest a fool be wise in his own conceit I did 
answer him again, and through the power of the Lord, I 
think to the purpose. "With great zeal in my heart I 
wrote, for Goliath-like he defied the whole Israel of God. 
I did not flatter him. For I say the zeal of God was in 
my heart ; though he challenged all the Quakers as he 
called them, and said none could answer him. But I 
proved him to be a liar, and told him that now one of the 
least of God's people had answered him. If I had had 
convenient time I had sent one of the books to thee before 
I put them forth. 

" Dear and well beloved friend of my soul, farewell with 
all the upright in heart. " John Abraham." 

The nest letter is dated upwards of ten years after the 
foregoing. It indicates that John Abraham had written to 
Margaret Fox respecting some objection she seems to 
have exhibited to the suit of his son Daniel, who was 
attached to Rachel : — 

Margaret Fox to John Abraham. 

"London, 17th of 3rd mo. [May], 1GS1. 
"J. A., dear Friend, — In the holy precious pure Truth 
which remains for ever, is my eternal love remembered 
unto thee ; and glad I am to hear of thy recovery. I hope 
and desire the Lord may lengthen thy days, prolong thy 
life, and pi'eserve thee for his honour and service ; that 
thou may be an instrument in His hand for His glory j^et 
longer, as thou hast been for many years past. It is my 
joy to hear that the Lord's work prospers amongst j'ou. 



374 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

My desire is that His name may be glorious in the earth, 
and that His blessed Truth may more and more increase. 

" We are all well, through mercy. My husband's dear 
love is unto thee. We know not when we may return 
home, for the last term our adversaries did not appear 
against us ; but the next term, which begins next week, we 
expect they will prosecute either for our bodies or goods. 
We are given up to the will of the Lord, believing all 
these things will work together for good, knowing He 
suffereth nothing to befall His children but what shall be 
for His honour and their [ultimate] comfort. How then 
can these things seem hard, for He is on our side and will 
plead the cause of His innocent people, and will not always 
suffer the rod of the wicked to be laid on the back of the 
righteous. 

"As to what thou writest about — to have my answer in, 
and to know what I can object to the concern mentioned — 
[I inajr say] — things of that nature are not fit to be 
committed to paper, but to be discoursed of face to face. 

" My dear love is to Ralph Ridgway and his wife. I 
account myself very much obliged to them for sparing 
their daughter so long to accompany my daughter Susanna. 
Friends here are generally well and meetings peaceable at 
present, but in all likelihood persecution is approaching. 
The will of the Lord be done, saith my soul 1 He can turn 
the wrath of man to his glory, and the rest He will restrain. 

" This is the most at present, but the remembrance of 
my daughter's love to thee. I am in some haste, having 
other letters to write, so must conclude. 

" Thy dear friend in the Holy Truth, 

" M. P." 

The letter is thus addressed : — 

" To Ralph Ridgway, Hosier, " Give this to 

at his shop in Manchester, these John Abraham."* 

D D Lancashire." 

* From the origin?.! in the Spence Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 3?5 

The concern to which John Abraham wished to know 
what Margaret Fox could object, was Daniel Abraham's 
application lor her daughter Rachel. That he was nine 
years younger than the lady he wished to make his bride 
(he being twenty and Rachel twenty-nine) was quite 
enough to awaken some hesitation on the mother's part ; 
though the young man himself and his father could see no 
sufficient cause for objection in that fact. 

John Abraham died the month following the date of the 
above letter ; so that the recovery on which M. F. congratu- 
lates him was only a temporary improvement. He left 
three children, Daniel, Mary, and another daughter, who 
was married to a Pemberton, and with her husband 
removed to William Penn's new and rising Quaker colony, 
Pennsylvania.* Mary was married to Edward Cheetham, 
who belonged to a well-known Manchester family. That 
Daniel's suit prospered ere long, notwithstanding the dis- 
parity in their ages, is evident by the following letter : — 

Daniel Abraham to Rachel Fell. 

"Manchester, 26th 10th mo., 1681. 

"My entirely affectionate R. F., — Can any love be so 
firm and constant as that which is excited by and derived 
from something which is immutable, and in its progress 
doth not allow of any wavering?" 

" Dear Rachel, to declare the nature and full extent of 
that central abiding love, the course and motion whereof 
is in no wise to be stopped, neither the warmness of its 
stream refrigerated by length of time or distance of place 
to theeward would be going about to define that which is 
too amply felt to allow of any definition. Although the 

* It was to Phineas Pemberton that John Abraham's daughter 
was married. He a::d his wife emigrated to America in 1682. In 
1697 he was a member of ths Pennsylvania Council, and Speaker of 
the Provincial Assembly. He died in 1702. 



376 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

enjoyment of the company one of another may possibly 
communicate more heat to the already quickened affection, 
yet methinks I find a daily increase of true and ardent 
love pressing much for the more full accomplishment of 
that which at present may be but seen at a distance. 

" Dear Rachel, inasmuch as I think it will be satisfactory 
to thee, it is delightsome to me to give thee an account 
that I got well home and lodged at Preston the first night 
after my departure from Swarthmoor Hall. For thy satis- 
faction only, I was willing that Joseph should have accom- 
panied me behind Lancaster, but he was prevented by thy 
horse casting a shoe. I cannot tell but I ma} r see thee at 
Quarter meeting. So in that love which is firm and 
abiding, dear Rachel, I take my leave until another oppor- 
tunity. 

" Thy truly affectionate friend, 

"D. A." 

Thus directed : — 

" This to Rachel Fell, at Swarthmoor Hall, 
in Furness, Lancashire, D D D."* 

Rachel Fell was married to Daniel Abraham at Swarth- 
moor Hall on the 7th of 1st mo. (March) 1682.f 

George Fox was so much from home in connection with 
the establishment of Friends' religious discipline throughout 
the English nation, as Avell as occasional visits to Ireland, 
Scotland, and Holland, that it was no wonder his wife was 
anxious to have one of her sons-in-law to reside at the nail. 
After Rachel had determined on accepting Daniel Abraham 
as her husband, he consented to the arrangement that 
Swarthmoor Hall should be his and his wife's residence, 
and accordingly he purchased the property. 

The following letter, written during the interval between 
Sarah's marriage and Rachel's, shows us that George Fox, 

* From the orig'nal in the Th'rnbeck Collection. 

f For D. and R. Abraham's marriage certificate, sae Append x D. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 37 7 

though absent, did not fail to exert himself in exposing, and 
as much as possible preventing, the magisterial persecutors 
from preying illegally and secretly on the Swarthmoor 
property : — 

George Fox to his Wife. 

"London, 26t7iSthmo., 1681. 

" Pearly beloved, — There is a rumour here that one of the 
Justice Kirby's (but which I cannot tell) took one of our 
fat oxen and killed him for his own table in his own house, 
which [oxen] was distrained and taken away from thee for 
3' our meeting at Swarthmoor. Now, of the truth of this I 
desire to know, and with a witness or two to prove it. It 
is said the Chief Justice mentioned on the bench that a 
Justice of Peace had taken an ox that was distrained for the 
King, and killed him in his own house, and that he (the Chief 
Justice) showed his dislike to such doings. And also it is 
said when thou went out, or sent to, Justice Kirby to put 
in thy appeal, that he refused to take it. If this was true 
I desire to know, for Justices of Peace do not deny appeals 
here. 

'"And likewise we did hear that when they distrained the 
goods, thou or some of the family demanded a copy of the 
warrant, but they would neither give a copy nor show the 
warrant. Of this I desire to know the truth, and the names 
[of the actors], with two or three witnesses to establish every 
word. And also the names of all those that drove away our 
cattle and goods ; and get copies of all the warrants if thou 
canst, with the da3 r and month when distress was made. 
And whether any Justice of Peace did make conviction 
behind thy back, or whether thou and the informer and 
officers were face to face before the Justice of Peace that 
made the conviction. And whether thou didst proffer the 
Justice to put in thy appeal within the time limited by the 
Act, and whether any- Justice denied thee within that time. 
And I desire to know of what qualification and conversation 



oT8 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

the informers were, and the names of all those officers and 
informers who have [been instrumental in] taking away our 
goods in my absence. 

"And also I hear that M. Woodburn sent a company to 
board in the house, who broke into the barns and seized a 
[word not intelligible] of corn, and drove away all the rest 
of the beasts, and have not left so much as a cow to give thee 
milk. Now by what order [they did this] and whence they 
had it I would know of thee ; and whether they did show 
thee any order, and what date it bears. 

'• These things have made a strange rumour here ; that 
now in thy ancient da} r s there should not be either ox or cow 
left at Swarthmoor, through means of informers, and M. 
Woodburn 's proceedings in my absence. Therefore, sweet- 
heart, I do intreat thee let me soon know the truth of all 
these things, and what thou writes let it be proved by wit- 
nesses. 

" Thy faithful husband, 

" George Fox.* 

" The Lord preserve thy soul in 
patience through all thy sufferings, 
troubles, and trials." 

We have no particular mention of Daniel Abraham, from 
the time of his marriage till, with many other Friends, he 
was taken prisoner early in 1684, under the Conventicle Act. 
On this occasion he thus writes to his wife : — 

Daniel Abraham to his Wife. 

"Lancaster Castle, 12tli 1st mo., I6S4. 

" My dear, — I am, through mercy, come very well to Lan- 
caster, both in health of body and contentedness of mind. 
We rode post but had tide time enough over the Sands. 
The constable appeared kind to me ; and when we came to 

* From Caroline Benson's Collection of Swarthmoor Letters. 



AND THEIR FRIEXDS. 379 

Lancaster, he went to his usual inn, and I went to Judah 
Yates. After I had got some meat and drink, and refreshed 
nrj-self therewith, I went to Henry Coward's house, where 
I found Roger Haddock, Richard Johnson, and Joshua 
Crosby, whom I was glad to meet so conveniently that I 
might take their advice. I perceive they never lay at night in 
the castle since the time of their first commitment, but I sup- 
pose it hath not been without a consideration. It was 
Roger's judgment concerning me, that the gaoler would not 
offer to put me into the castle, but, contrarywise, he did not 
so much as give me the proffer of his house, nor did his wife. 
The gaoler was very high and rough, and said we were a 
stubborn, rebellious people or such-like words, and that we 
put the country to great charge and trouble in carrying us 
to and fro. He ordered the constable to carry me up to the 
castle, where I now remain with Friends in Thomas Sherrah's 
room, where I perceive the Friends that are in the castle 
must be together during the time of the assizes, and with 
whom I can in contentedness abide, through the Lord's 
assistance, if further enlargement be not offered upon such 
terms as, in the clearness of my spirit without bringing any 
dishonour on Truth, I may accept. 

" Since writing the above, came Roger Haddock, Richard 
Johnson, and Leonard Fell into the castle to see me, and 
after they had stayed somewhat they went to go into the 
town. But the turnkey refused to let them, for the con- 
stable had secretty delivered to the gaoler the former 
mittimus against Leonard Fell, and so he was taken 
prisoner. Had he not come hither, I understand they 
could not have taken him at this time. 

"I shall be satisfied, however I be disposed of, having 
the company of good Friends, which is delightsome to me. 
I think to give thee a full account by Dan Cooper how Ave 
are to be disposed of. I desire thou wilt not take too much 
thought for me, but rest satisfied in that which is able to 
preserve us whether together or asunder. 



380 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Remember my very dear love to our tender mother, to 
sister Lower, and to Friends of our meeting as if named. 
" Thy dear and affectionate husband, 

" Daniel Abraham."* 

Leonard Fell, of whose imprisonment Daniel Abraham 
informs his wife, and whose name has so often been intro- 
duced in foregoing letters, was tbe son of Thomas Fell, and 
resided at Beckliff, or Baycliff, not far from Swarthmoor. 
We find that in the old parish registers the Jutlge is styled 
" Thomas Fell, Esquire," and Leonard's father, " Thomas 
Fell, Gentleman." In what degree of affinity they stood 
to one another, or if any, docs not appear ; but Leonard at 
one time resided at Swarthmoor Hall in some situation of 
trust ; and whether relath'e or not, he was a warm devoted 
friend to Margaret Fell throughout hi3 life. He was 
married but had no family. 

He travelled much through England as a preacher, and 
fearless of all that persecutors could do, hopefully and 
joj'fully spread the gospel of salvation, peace, and love. His 
preaching appears to have been more of an earnest loving- 
character than argumentative or doctrinal. As related by 
E. Ecroyd, he often used the following expressions in 
exhortation: — "Be faithful, just, and true Friends 1 — Be 
faithful, just and true, in life and conversation, in words 
and declaration." 

The following letter, addressed to his friend at Swarth- 
moor, seems to belong to an early period of his ministry ; 
but being without date, the time to which it relates cannot 
be exactly ascertained : — 

Leonard Fell and Leonard Addison to Margaret Fell. 

" Dear sister, — We thy brethren, Leonard Fell and Leon- 
ard Addison, salute thee and all thy faithful family, in the 
eternal love of our God. Dear sister, we received thy 

* From the original in the Miller Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 381 

letter in Carleton, at a meeting on the Sixth-day of the 
week, being the 15th day of the 4th month, and near unto 
a river-side called Tees. We were much refreshed to hear 
from thee. We have had four meetings this week, and the 
next First-day we are to be at a meeting at [word unintelli- 
gible]. Joy is in the land, for the harvest is great in these 
parts, though the labourers are few. Pray thou, therefore, 
the Lord of the harvest to send forth more labourers into 
His harvest. Many tender plants there are here which 
have been much refreshed — praises be to the Lord ! The 
mighty power of our God goes with us."* 

The above letter is thus directed : — 

" For the hands of Margaret Fell at Swarthmoor. To be 
delivered to George Fellows, and he to deliver it as above." 

In 16*70, when persecution was assailing them on all 
sides, Leonard Fell wrote an epistle to Friends, encour- 
aging them to maintain their religious principles faithfully 
without fear of man. He says : — 

" Look not at sufferings, but look to the Lord, who is 
able to deliver. Did the Lord ever leave or forsake His 
people in a suffering condition, that stood for His name, or 
gave up themselves freely to whatever persecutors could 
do ? Friends ! be of a noble mind, and valiant for the Truth 
upon earth ! Trials come, that the chaff may be separated 
from the wheat ; for they who are of the noble seed will not 
be treacherous nor false-hearted, but will have a faithful 
respect to the honour of God. Why need you fear any but 
the Lord God that made heaven and earth ? I dare be bold 
to speak in the name of the Lord, that he will bring a 
calm. Let your confidence be in the Lord God ; trust in 
His arm, and let Him be your shield." He was one among 
many in that clay, who seemed to lose all fear of man in 
zeal for God. " It is related of Leonard Fell that as he 

* From the original in the Devonshire House Collection. 



382 THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

was travelling alone, lie was accosted by a highwayman 
who demanded his money, which he gave him. He next, 
required his horse, and the rider dismounted, and let him 
take it also ; but before the robber rode away, the un- 
daunted Christian solemnly warned him against the evil 
course he was pursuing. The highwayman became en- 
raged, asked him, ' "Why he dared to preach to him,' and 
threatened 'to blow out his brains.' Leonard Fell replied, 
' Though I would not risk my life to save my money or my 
horse, I would give it to save thy soul.' This answer so 
went to the heart of the robber, that he declared if he were 
such a man as that he would neither have his money nor 
his horse ; both which he returned and vent his way." 

Leonard Fell was a minister among Friends for nearly 
fifty j-ears. He died at Darlington in the year It 00. From 
his brother, Thomas Fell, who was married to Mary Goad 
of Bickliff, in 16T6, in the house of James Fell, of Well- 
house, near Bardsea, the Fells of Warrington are descended. 
The Warrington family appears to contain the only descend- 
ants of Thomas Fell, the Father to Leonard, who still bear 
the ancestral name of Fell. 

The following letter from Susanna, the second youngest 
of the Swarthmoor sisters, is the only one of hers that has 
come under ni}' notice. 

Susanna Fell to Rachel Abraham. 

" Goose yes, the 14th 12th mo., 168 '4. 
" Dearly beloved sister Rachel, — Having so good oppor- 
tunity of sending by L. Fell, I could not but give a short 
salutation of love to thee, and my duty to my dear mother, 
for your remembrance is very pleasant to me ; and I can 
truly say that neither time nor distance make void or alienate 
my love to you. Leonard came but this morning hither, 
and goes again to-night to London, so I have very little 
time to write, only to let you know that we are all very 
well, every waj r , and I have my health much better than 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 383 

I had at Swarthmoor, so I think this air agrees well with 
me ; for news I have none, but when I have anything worth 
your notice, shall not fail to let you know. 

" Brother [and] sister Meade's dear love [and] duty is 
to mother, and brother Meade often speaks of thee with a 
great deal of love and real respect : their loves is to thee 
and brother [and] sister Lower. My dear love to thee, and 
them, and to Mary Lower. Leonard stays, so I am much 
hastened for [want of] time and rffst. 

" Thy dear and loving sister, 

" Susanna Fell."* 

The next letter has so much of family interest and home- 
feeling about its details, that it must have a place : — 

John Rous to Margaret Fox. 

" Kingston, 20th of the 1st month. 

11 Dear Mother, — We received thy acceptable letter, and 
were very glad to hear of all your welfare ; our daughter, 
Nanny, hath lately had a sore throat, and a fever, but 
through the Lord's mercy, is well again, and we intend, 
after a little while, if she continue so, to send her to Anne 
Travers' school at Chiswick. Nathaniel we sent to Richard 
Scorier's writing-school, near William Shewen's, where he 
was between seven and eight weeks, but, it being a nasty 
place, the air did not agree with him, but from his first 
going he fell away of his flesh very much, and the latter 
end of last week was taken with a shivering, and not well, 
which they gave my brother Meade notice of on Seventh- 
day, and he ordered his man, John Kemble, to bring us 
word on First-day , but Nathaniel growing rather worse, 
the school-master hired a coach and sent him home, and 
John Kemble came on horseback with him, we presently 
sent for a doctor " The doctor's treatment for the two 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection, 



38* THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

following days is then minutely detailed, after which the 
father continues : — " The next day he was pretty well, and 
came down stairs, but towards evening small-pox began to 
break out ; and he was neither feverish nor lightheaded, 
nor had he pain either in his head or back. He hath con- 
tinued as well as can be expected, and there doth not 
appear any sign of danger, which I desire the Lord, if it be 
His will, may continue. My father Fox came hither this 
day, who, not resting wTill last night, is asleep, so that I 
cannot ask him about Will m . Penn's journey into the north,' 
but I heard Will m . say that he intended to go through 
Lincolnshire and Yorkshire, and to see his sister in Cleave- 
land, and then to go to Swarthmoor, which I believe he 
will do. As to news I shall leave it to my sister Meade, 
who can better inform thee ; and with our clear love to thee, 
iny brother, and sisters, and little cousins, I rest, 

" Thy dear son in the Lord, 

"John Rous."* 



CHAPTER XXVII. 

1690. 

M. Fox returns from: London — Letter announcing her 
Return — "William Pjlnn to Margaret Fox, telling of the 
Death of George Fox — Robert Barrow's account of his 
Funeral — Thos. Ell wood's Sketch of his Character — Will 
of George Fox — Disposal of his American Property — 
Claim made by his Heirs-at-Law— Disinterment of the 
Remains of G. Fox, 1736 — Thomas Lawson, the Botanist — 
His Death — His Family and Descendants. 

In a former chapter it was mentioned that George Fox 
had planned a meeting-house to be built on a piece of 
ground at Swarthmoor, which he had purchased for that 
purpose. He made his desires known through a letter to 

* From tlie original in the Abraham Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 385 

Thomas Lower, from which an extract has been given, and 
soon after the date of that letter the work commenced. 
The Friends around aided with horses, labourers, and such 
material as their land furnished ; with the exception of 
those contributions from willing hearts and hands, the 
expenses were all borne by himself. It does not seem that 
George Fox was ever at Swarthmoor Hall after the building 
of the meeting-house commenced, as we know, from his 
own statements, that he spent at intervals a great part of 
the years '87, 8, and 9 in and about London. To Kingston, 
with the Rous's, and to Gooseyes, with the Meades, when- 
ever his failing strength demanded care, he retreated for 
a temporary rest. His religious services in London, and 
the business of the Society which centered there, claimed 
his most earnest attention during those years. But its 
organization was at length so satisfactorily established, 
that it is probable he had in view, should life be prolonged, 
retiring to Swarthmoor after the winter of 1690, to take 
rest and obtain the lengthened repose his declining years 
so much required. All his affairs indicated that he stood 
prepared for departure either final or temporary, as the 
Lord might direct. By a letter from his wife to her son 
and daughter Abraham, which now lies before me, I find 
that after having been with him several months, she had 
decided on returning to the north after the yearly meeting. 
She writes early in the summer of 1690, indicating her 
intention of being at home in the course of a few weeks : — 

Margaret Fox to Daniel and Rachel Abraham. 
"Kingston, the 25th of the 3rd mo. [May], 1690. 
" Dear Son and Daughter, — We have received your dear 
and acceptable letters, and I am very glad, and praise the 
Lord for yours, and the children's, good health. By this 
you may know that we all, here at Kingston, through the 
Lord's goodness, are very well ; and your brother and 
sister Meade were here the last week, to see us. Your 



386 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

father is now at London, and I intend, if the Lord will, 
about a week hence to be there, ready to see Friends as 
they come to town. 

" I recieved a letter from your brother Lower, by which 
I percieve that he intends to be at the yearly meeting, and 
so for the north, with his family : but I perceive he will be 
a little stayed by the way, by some business for widow 
Rallison, so that he cannot reach Kingston to the very 
latter end of the week; but if can I must be at London 
before that, for I shall have a better opportunity to see 
Friends before the meeting than I can have afterwards. 
Your brother and sister Morris will be there the next week. 

" Your brother Lower desired me, in his letter, not to 
conclude of my going into the north, till he be here; for 
he saith, he hath some business which he must do after the 
meeting, in Sussex, which he hopes will be done in a week's 
time, but that's uncertain. He desires that we may return 
together, so that I can give you no certain notice of the 
time. I ever had, and yet have, an intention to be at the 
quarterly meeting, at Lancaster, if his business do not 
hinder me : however, when we hear more I shall let you 
know. 

" The letter, which I am afraid you did not receive, was 
the first letter I writ from Goosey es, in which I mentioned 
that you should get John Bell to make us a place in the 
meeting-house : the length of it should be the half breadth of 
it, and so broad as that it will hold a seat round about, 
that one may sit of both sides : plank it and board it under 
foot ; and also put a seat at the outside of it (this was writ 
in that letter, and some other things). 

" Thy sister very kindly received thy letter [Dear 
Rachel] and she was very glad of it ; her husband's and 
her love is remembered to you ; and Bethiah and Anne 
present their love and respects to their uncle and aunt. 
They are all very dear and tender to me. I hear of your 
sister Lower and the children, and hope they are well. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 387 

My dear little John Abraham is often in my remembrance ; 
so is dear little Thomas. Even the Lord God Almighty 
preserve them, and bless them. Remember me to all the 
family ; and my dear and entire love is remembered to you, 
" So I remain, 

" Your dear mother, in the Lord, 
" M. F."* 

(P. S.) " I would have thee to enquire after the maid at 
William Satterthat's, whether we can have her or no." 

During the short reign of James II., Quaker persecutions 
ceased. But when, in 1689, King William superseded his 
father-in-law, the intolerant party in the English Episcopal 
Church again hoped to have their way in compelling con- 
formity to their own religious establishment, William Penn, 
as one great obstacle to such plans being effectually carried 
out, was attacked with the most bitter accusations. His title 
to his American province was not only called in question, 
but a commissioner was appointed to proceed to Penn- 
sylvania, to see what could be done towards abrogating 
the laws he had established there. False accusations 
arose on all sides, that declaimed him to be a Jesuit, a 
Jacobite, and a popish revolutionist. The King was 
called on to take from him his Shangarry property in 
Ireland, and to confiscate his English estate, as well as to 
deprive him of personal liberty. It is not to be supposed 
that King William, or those of his ministers who were men 
of sense, believed these false reports that for a time found 
place in the public mind ; but it is certain that the Penn- 
sylvania assembly declining to raise troops for the war had 
annoyed them, and that they would gladly have found 
some legal pretext on which to take the American province 
from Penn. Such was the portentous aspect of the 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection 



388 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

surroundings of the Quaker legislator as the autumn of 
1G90 advanced. 

In the eighth month, old style (October of that year), 
Robert Barclay breathed his last. The eleventh month 
witnessed the removal of another pillar from the Quaker 
Church, in the death of that " worthy elder," (the phrase 
by which he was often spoken of among Friends) through 
whose instrumentality the Society was mainly gathered. 
William Penn thus communicates the event : — 

William Penn to Margaret Fox. 
"London, 13th of 11th mo., 1690, [January, 1691.] 

" Dear M. Fox, — With the precious remembrance of thy 
unfeigned love in Jesus Christ, I am to be the teller to 
thee of sorrowful tidings, which are these; that thy dear 
husband and my beloved friend, George Fox, finished his 
glorious testimony this night, about half an hour after 
nine o'clock, being sensible to the last breath. Oh ! he is 
gone, and has left us with a storm over our heads. Surely 
in great mercy to him, but an evidence to us of sorrows 
coming. He was as lively and as firm [as ever] on Fourth- 
day was a week at Giacechurch Street; and also the last 
First-day, being the day before yesterday. But he com- 
plained after meeting of being inwardly struck, and lay 
down at Henry Goldney's, where his spirit departed. My 
soul is deeply afflicted with this sudden great loss. Surely 
it portends to us evils to come. A prince indeed is fallen 
in Israel to-day! 

" I cannot enlarge, for I shall have to write to several to- 
night, and it is late. May the Lord be with thee and thine, 
and us all. Amen. 

" I am thy faithful and affectionate friend, 

" William Penn. 

(P. S.) " Now present : — Robert Barrow, J. Taylor, J. 
Yaughan, J. Rich, J. Boucher, S. Waldringfield, and myself. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 389 

G. 'Whitehead and S. Crisp were here about two hours since. 
He died as he lived, — minding the things of God and His 
Church to the last in a universal spirit."* 

Robert Barrow, in a letter to Henry Coward and some 
other Lancaster Friends, says : — 

" Our ancient friend and honourable elder in the Church, 
George Fox, was this day buried, in the presence of a large 
assembly of God's people, supposed to be about 4,000 Friends. 
The meeting-house at Gracechurch Street could not contain 
them, nor the court before the door. Many living powerful 
testimonies were published in the meeting-house and the 
grave3'ard, among tender hearts, watery e3 T es, and contrite 
spirits. 

" The London Friends were very discreet, ordering all 
concerns relating thereto with great wisdom. There being 
six monthly meetings belonging to this city, six chosen 
Friends were appointed out of each monthly meeting, who 
were to carry the corpse, and none else. [They arranged] 
that his relations should go next ; that all Friends should 
go on one side of the street, three and three, in rank, as close 
together as they could, that the other side might be left clear 
for the citizens and coaches. 

" Last week George Fox was at the Quarterly meeting, 
the Second-day morning meeting, the meeting for sufferings, 
and at two meeetings for worship, beside the First-day 
morning meeting. He said he was as well at that meeting 
as he had been for a long time before. He began to be ill 
that evening about the fifth hour, and departed before the 
tenth hour the evening of Third-day following. I was with 
him most of the time wherein he spoke many living power- 
ful sentences to the tendering of the company present. 
There was no sign of an}* great pain, neither did he ever 
complain. Robert Widder's manner of departure and his 

* Fiom the original in the Thirnbeck Collection. 



390 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

were much alike, for I saw them both; only George shut 
his eyes himself — he lay as if he had fallen asleep. One 
would have thought he smiled." He was the most pleasant 
corpse that I ever looked upon. Many hundreds of Friends 
came to see his face ; having the most part of three days to 
behold it before the coffin was nailed up."* 

Many testimonies were issued after the death of George 
Fox, illustrative of the remarkable features of his character, 
his life and his mission. His wife wrote at some length. 
His step-daughters and their husbands put forth another 
document ; William Penn a third ; and Thomas Elwood a 
fourth ; beside an official testimonjr from the London morn- 
ing meeting. 

That from the pen of his friend Thomas Elwood, who was 
likewise the intimate friend of John Milton and of William 
Penn, shall be transcribed as being brief, full, and compre- 
hensive. No man knew him more thoroughly than Elwood, 
on whom devolved the preparation of his journal for the 
press : — 

" Thomas Elwood? s account of that eminent and honourable 
Servant of the Lord, George Fox.' 11 

" This holy man was raised up by God in an extraor- 
dinary manner, for an extraordinary work, even to awaken 
the sleeping world, by proclaiming the mighty day of the 
Lord to the nations ; and publishing again the everlasting 
Gospel to the inhabitants of the earth, after a long and 
dismal night of apostacy and darkness. For this work the 
Lord began to prepare him by many trials and exercises 
from his very childhood, and having fitted and furnished 
him for it, He called him into it very young, and made him 
instrumental by the effectual working of the Holy Ghost, 
through his ministry, to call many others into the same 

* From the Tkirnbeck Collection of Swarthmoor MSS. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 391 

■work, and to turn many thousands from darkness to the light 
of Christ, from the power of Satan unto God. 

" I knew him not till the year 1660 ; from that time to 
the time of his death, I knew him well, conversed with him 
often, observed him much, loved him dearly, and honoured 
him truly. Upon good experience I can say he was indeed 
a heavenly-minded man, zealous for the name of the Lord ; 
and preferred the honour of God before all things. He 
was valiant for the truth, bold in asserting it, patient in 
suffering for it, unwearied in labouring in it, steady in his 
testimony to it, immovable as a rock. Deep he was in 
Divine knowledge, clear in opening heavenly mysteries, 
plain and powerful in preaching, fervent in prayer. He 
was richly endued with heavenly wisdom, quick in discern- 
ing, sound in judgment, able and ready in giving, and 
discreet in keeping counsel. A lover of righteousness ; 
an encourager of virtue, justice, temperance, meekness, 
purity, chastit3 T , modest}-, humility, charity , and self-denial ; 
in all, both by word and example. Graceful he was in 
countenance, manly in personage, grave in gesture, cour- 
teous in conversation, weighty in communication, instruc- 
tive in discourse, free from affectation in speech or carriage. 
He was a severe reprover of hard and obstinate sinners, a 
mild and gentle admonishcr of such as were tender, and 
sensible of their failings, not apt to resent personal wrongs, 
easy to forgive injuries, but zealously earnest, where the 
honour of God, the prosperity of Truth, and the peace of 
the Church were concerned. Very tender, compassionate, 
and pitiful he was to all that were under any sort of 
affliction; full of brotherly love, full of fatherly care; for 
indeed, the care of the Churches of Christ was daily upon 
him, the prosperity and peace whereof he studiously 
sought. 

li Having fought a good fight, finished his course, and 
kept the faith, his righteous soul, freed from the earthly 
tabernacle, in which he had led an exemplary life of noli- 



392 THE FELLS OF SWARTHM00R HALL, 

ness, was translated into those heavenly mansions, where 
Christ our Lord went to prepare a place for His servants, 
there to possess that glorious crown of righteousness 
which is laid up for, and shall he given by the Lord, the 
righteous Judge, to all them that love His appearance. 
Ages to come and people j^et unborn shall call him blessed, 
and bless the Lord for raising him up. And blessed shall 
we also be if we so walk, as we had him for an example, 
for whom this testimonj^ lives in my heart. He lived and 
died the servant of the Lord." 

George Fox left directions as to the disposal of his 
property, written at different intervals, all in his own 
handwriting, which constituted a legal will, though not 
written in legal form. It was deposited eight years after 
his death in the Prerogative Court of Canterbury, from 
whence a copy has been procured, which will be found in 
the Appendix (E). He makes in his will various bequests 
to his friends and relatives ; and gives many directions 
about his books and papers. But the grants of land in 
Pennsylvania, which he had from his friend William Penn, 
are not bequeathed therein or alluded to at all. This and 
other circumstances lead to the conclusion, that during his 
lifetime he conveyed his right to the greater portion of 
that American property to his three sons-in-law, John 
Rous, Thomas Lower, and Daniel Abraham; and that he 
directed them, when put in possession, to see that the 
smaller lots which lay in and near the city were transferred 
to the Friends of Philadelphia, to be appropriated accord- 
ing to specific directions, which he gave in writing. The 
history of this property, as communicated by Philadelphia 
Friends, to whom I recently applied for information, is as 
follows : — 

" In the year 1681, William Penn gave to George Fox a 
receipt for £25, which was to entitle him to a city lot in 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 393 

the newly-planned city, a liberty lot of sixteen acres in the 
suburbs, and a tract of 1 ,250 acres in the back lands of 
Pennsylvania. The £25 of purchase money, being under- 
stood to be a necessary item to secure the legal transfer. 
There being no one in America interested in getting these 
lots of land located and properly convej^ed to George Fox, 
nothing was done to perfect the possession until after his 
death. Some years after that event, Thomas Lower took 
measures to have them surveyed, and his father's direc- 
tions concerning the way in which they should be used 
made fully known. At that time the city lot having been 
taken possession of by a settler, who built upon it, could 
not without much difficulty be obtained. But William 
Penn said the Friends might select twenty or twenty-five 
acres, according to the locality fixed on in the neighbour- 
hood of the city, instead of the sixteen and the city lot 
at first proposed, and it should be transfei-red to them in 
the name of George Fox. After much delay, the transfer 
was accomplished on the 28th day of the 6th mo., 1705. 
For many years the land in question was merely occupied 
as pasture ground. 

On the 13th of 12th mo., 1716, Thomas Lower wrote to 
David Lloyd, Wm. Penn's deputy, concerning the occupa- 
tion of the ground bestowed by George Fox. He says : — 
" George Fox gave it in the said writings unto the Friends 
of Philadelphia to be converted to these uses. . , _- . To 
build a meeting-house for the use of Friends, and a school- 
house upon another part, and to inclose another part for a 
garden, and to plant it with all sorts of physical plants, 
for lads and lasses, to learn simples there, and the uses to 
convert them to, — distilled waters, oils, ointments, &c. 
The residue that belonged to the lot near Philadelphia 
to be paled about for Friends that come to the Meeting, 
to put their horses in." In this letter Thomas Lower 
seems to be remonstrating with the Friends for not having 
carried out the expressed wishes of the donor. They had 



394 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

doubtless built meeting-houses elsewhere before they got 
possession of the land in question, and had also probably 
such schools established as they deemed necessarj-, hence 
no such erections up to that time had been made. As to 
the garden which was to be planted with all sorts of 
physical plants for the botanical studies of the lads and 
lasses of Philadelphia, the Friends of that day it is evident 
did not enter into the views of their honoured and revered 
friend who presented the ground for that purpose. Had 
they understood the great value of such a botanical gar- 
den, with suitable appliances for teaching the qualities and 
medicinal uses of plants, they would probably have made 
more efforts to have carried out the plan he suggested. 

In the year 1767, the heirs-at-law of George Fox, being 
the descendants of his brother John, several of whom had 
settled in Pennsylvania, came forward to claim all the 
ground in possession of the Philadelphia Friends, that had 
come through their great-grand-uncle. On what plea they 
made the claim is not quite clear. M} r American corre- 
spondent thinks it was grounded on some informality in 
the transfer, which impaired the title ; but, under the 
existing state of affairs, it might probably have been from 
the non-appropriation of the grant to the purposes stated by 
George Fox. However, the Friends agreed to submit the 
case to a legal arbitration, which gave an award against 
them, requiring them to pa}*- the sum of ^500 to the claim- 
ants for a clear title to the ground in question. In the 
early part of this century, by the joint approval of the 
five monthly meetings of Philadelphia, the ground thus 
obtained was all sold for building lots, except a portion 
which constitutes a part of the Fair Hill burial-ground, 
which is the property of the Green Street monthly meeting, 
now composed of Hicksite Friends. 

Thomas Lower, in 17 15, purchased from Daniel Abraham, 
and John Rous's son Nathaniel, their claim to the Amer- 
ican estate which was transferred by George Fox to the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 395 

three brothers-in-law. In the letter before quoted, which 
Thomas Lower wrote to David Lloyd, in 1716, four years 
before T. L.'s death, he says he gives the whole of his 
American property to his grandsons, William Swan and 
Thomas Swan ; the elder of whom he had sent " to the 
West Indies by a sober master," the other he intended to 
bring up "to some good trade when he hath been a while 
longer at school." I cannot find that either William or 
Thomas Swan ever came into possession of the property 
thus laid out for them by their grandfather. In 1138 
Thomas Story wrote to Israel Pemberton, sen., requesting 
him on behalf of a 3 T oung woman, a descendant of Thomas 
Lower, to whom the American estate belonged by inherit- 
ance, to have it surve} T ed ; which Israel Pemberton attended 
to, and found that it measured full 1,300 acres, fifty having 
been allowed for public roads. The land had been entered 
upon without liberty by German emigrants, who would 
gladly have purchased from Israel Pemberton, but he was 
not authorised to sell; and how the interest in it was 
afterwards disposed of, does not appear. However, when 
the French war broke out, in 1T5G, some Indian allies of 
the French came down on the people of the Octerara Creek, 
where this land was located, and having killed a few of the 
settlers, frightened the rest awaj^. 

About sixty-six years after the death of George Fox, 
the circumstance occurred which is related in the following 
letter. It is deserving of notice in Quaker history, as 
marking a change which had taken place during the interim 
in the practice of the Friends, relative to headstones in 
their burial grounds, inscribed with names of the deceased 
and dates : — 

Letter from Benjamin Read. 

"5th mo., 1852. 

" When my father, Thomas Read, who died about thirty- 
four years ago, at the age of YG, was about 15 years of age, 
being apprenticed to John Bicldle, of Whitechapel, J. B. 



396 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

was employed by the Society of Friends to remove a wall 
oil part of their burial ground, Bunhill Fields, in order to 
enclose an additional piece of land purchased by the society. 
On taking down the old wall, the footings of which were 
man}- feet deep below the surface, it was found expedient 
to remove the coffin which contained the remains of our 
worthy predecessor, George Fox. Whilst in the act of 
digging, after removing the headstone, several fragments 
of the oak case which surrounded a leaden coffin were 
found ; and to one of them was attached a breast-plate 
about 14 inches by 10, on which were engraven the initials 
of the name, the age and the birthplace of the interred ; but 
the inscription was barely legible. The leaden coffin was 
in pretty good condition, and before it was disturbed, my 
father's curiosity was so great that he urged one of his 
fellow-workmen to cut a hole in the top of it, near the 
broadest part, about 12 inches by 8, so that one side or end 
answered for a hinge. On raising this flap, the countenance 
of the corpse appeared to be in a perfect state, showing the 
features very distinctly, with the hair over the forehead. 
As soon as my father had seen it, he w r ent in haste to 
acquaint his master, J. Biddle, with the circumstance, but 
previous to his arrival the features became shapeless, and 
very little could be seen beside the hair and skull. Some 
influential Friends, on hearing what had taken place, gave 
directions for the flap above mentioned to be securely 
soldered, when they fixed upon a place for re-interment. 
But they would not allow the headstone to be put up again, 
on which there was a similar inscription to ■ that on the 
breastplate. They only suffered a small stone, about six 
inches square, to be built in the wall opposite the head of the 
grave, with the initials, G. F., cut in it. This stone I well 
remember when a child to have seen. u ft™™ Pt?ati " 

Let no one suppose that the change which the foregoing 
letter indicates, originated anions the Friends in an absence 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 397 

of tenderness and love towards deceased relatives, or any 
deficiency in reverence for the memory of departed worth. 
It was quite the contrary. They who started it, and they 
who carried it out for upwards of a century, were assuredly 
not among those who could have been cold in feeling, 
or deficient in reverence ; — they were not among those 
who slighted the beautiful evidences of a tender, loving, 
Christian spirit, whether manifested towards departed or 
living worth. But they did not think that it needed any 
monumental stone to keep them in remembrance of the spot 
where the remains of those they had loved and reverenced 
were laid. They therefore preferred giving up the former 
custom, rather than involve a danger which they appre- 
hended was likely to creep in — having, doubtless, on some 
occasions felt the painf illness of remonstrating with relatives 
of deceased persons for attempting to deviate from the 
prescribed simplicity of inscription. Hence, about the 
beginning of the 18th century they came to the decision, 
to which rich and poor alike agreed, to have no memorial 
stone at all; nothing but the simple grass-covered mound, 
— trusting to the loving memory of relatives and friends to 
know and point out the graves of the departed. After 
that, head stones were not usually placed in their burial- 
grounds ; but those that had previously been erected 
appear to have remained till the graves were re-opened for 
another interment, and then they were not replaced. That 
practice became universal in all the graveyards belonging 
to the Society for more than a century. But at length, 
when old chroniclers, who delighted in keeping memorial 
registers of departed Friends in their minds, died off, and 
were not succeeded by others equally versed in such lore, 
the graves of the early fathers and mothers in the church, 
or in the family, were less certainly recognized. This was 
often disappointing to strangers, as well as to relatives, 
who wished to recall the memory of ancestors or of departed 
worthies, whilst standing by their graves. Hence about 



398 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

twenty 3'ears ago the question was raised as to the pro- 
priety of a change ; and, finally, another change took place, 
the Yearly Meeting deciding that those Friends who 
desired to have small memorial stones on the graves of 
their relatives simply inscribed with names and dates, 
should he at liberty to have it carried out under the super- 
vision of their respective monthly meetings. But in some 
places Friends have not availed themselves of the permis- 
sion, regarding it as a modern innovation, instead of, as it 
truly is, a return to the practice of the early Friends. 

George Fox*s idea of inaugurating a Philadelphia Botanic 
Garden, so much in advance, as it appears, of the age he 
lived in, and so little as we might suppose likely to be 
suggested by his own pursuits, may find a solution in the 
fact that Thomas Lawson,the famous botanist, was his and 
the Swarthmoor family's intimate friend. And Lawson 
was more than a mere botanist ; the medicinal properties 
of plants claimed his especial attention. Croese, as before 
remarked, speaks of him as the greatest herbalist in 
England ; and we may remember one of the items copied 
from the Swarthmoor account book proves that he gave the 
family at the Hall instruction in the medicinal use of herbs. 
That George Fox, under these circumstances, perceived the 
importance of promoting such tastes and researches as his 
Philadelphia plan embraces, is no way surprising. He who 
on another occasion gave it as his opinion, in relation. to 
education, that our young people of the Society of Friends 
should be taught " all things civil and useful," must have 
had comprehensive ideas of the knowledge and intellectual 
culture that should be aimed at. 

John Thompson, of Hitchin, in Hertfordshire, one of 
Thomas Lawson's descendants, has in his possession numer- 
ous manuscript notes, made by his ancestor in his walking 
tours throughout England in search of plants. They seem 
to have constituted a book of botanical memoranda, which 
he carried about with him ; there is a heading for each 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 3!) 9 

county, and he particularises the localities -where he found 
special plants. J. T. says he can still find around Hitchin, 
after the lapse of 200 3-ears, the same plants, in the same 
places, he specified. 

In the fifth chapter some account has "been given of 
Thomas Lawson's early connection with Friends, and also 
of the religious works he "wrote. He became by profession 
a literary teacher, after he resigned his clerical living at 
Rarnpside. In 1658 he "was married. "We have an account 
of four of his children, three daughters and a son. Jonah, 
who was the youngest of the four, died when he was about 
14 years of age. In an article entitled, " Serious Remem- 
brancer," which Thomas Lawson wrote soon after that 
event, he mentions him thus : — " I had an only son, who 
though educated in a mixed school, where his progress 
exceeded his years, was so influenced and preserved, that 
during the whole course of his short life I never knew him 
at variance with an3 T one. I never knew that he uttered an 
oath, committed a breach of truth, or ever sought to 
disguise its simple and plain acknowledgment. He was 
grievously afflicted with the small pox, and after we judged 
he had passed its height, unfavourable symptoms recurring, 
in a few days carried him off. The nearer he drew to his 
end, the more he wished for my company. The night 
before he died, one inquiring how he was, he answered, 
' I'm well, spiritually, but indifferent in body.' Soon after, 
being afflicted, and full of love towards him, I said, 
' Jonah, we will talk of a better mansion, our stay here 
must be transient — think of that city whose builder and 
maker is God. This world is at best a bitter sweet, but 
heaven is unmixed happiness. Have God in thy thoughts.' 
He replied, ' I am willing to die if it be His pleasure, or to 
live to praise Him.' His sister Ruth weeping beside him, 
he said to her, ' Weep not, sister, I hope we shall meet in 
heaven.' Not long before his departure, he uttered these 



400 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

words, ' The time thou hast appointed for me on earth 
give me grace to praise thee.' 

'•He expired the 23rd of 12th month, 1683. Notwith- 
standing that his bodily distress was extremely great, he 
never in the course of his illness dropped an inconsiderate 
or impatient word, which with his many affecting and 
tender sentiments, wrought in me such a frame of spirit, 
that I could freely commend him to the Lord, in much 
confidence of his future happiness. I wish I may never 
forget the finishing of his course, nor do I ever remember 
it but I am bettered by its reflections." Dated 1684. 

The sister Ruth, who is mentioned in the foregoing, was 
Thomas Lawson's eldest daughter. Several of her letters 
written in Latin are still extant. Her marriage was a 
source of trouble to her father, whose annoyance was 
increased by the blame that some individuals belonging to 
the same meeting were disposed to cast on him. The 
circumstances are developed in the following letter, taken 
from the original in the possession of John Thompson. It 
is dated 1688, and was written on the occasion of a letter 
arriving from George Fox, which alluded to the impor- 
tance of " healing breaches and restoring brotherly love." 
In order to attain that end, Thomas Lawson said he must 
speak out, and show to those who had been blaming 
him the injustice of their censures. And thus he wrote: — 

" Friends, — I must for unity [sake] speak something in 
answer to the charges contained in your letter, which with 
much diligence hath been dispersed, even ' from Dan to 
Beersheba,' as I may say. 

" You say 1 was faulty in the concern of the marriage of 
Christopher Yeats and my daughter Ruth, in encouraging 
the same, and not showing nry utter dislike thereunto, and 
in not restraining her to my utmost. 

" I answer : — When first he mentioned the thing, I said 
such marriages were unequal, and contrary to the law 
settled in our Church, grounded on the Law and Gospel, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 401 

"which I "would not deviate from ; and that I would not 
joiu my daughter to that which for conscience 1 sake I had 
forsaken. That he might not think I denied him on 
earthly accounts, I said if he were the greatest prebend in 
Carlisle he should have this answer ; and from this I never 
varied in word or thought. The next morning I spake- to 
her, and perceiving he had got some place in her affections, 
I put her in mind of her duty, and by many arguments, 
mixed with much sharpness, I endeavoured to quench the 
same. After that, when she went to the meeting at Shap 
I commonly went with her, to prevent their meeting. My 
endeavours not being prevalently answerable to my mind, 
I sent her to Thomas Cowens (Lancaster), where she con- 
tinued a pretty considerable time ; withal writing to Mar- 
garet Fox and acquainting her with the concern, and with 
my great dissatisfaction, of which she can testify to this 
day. She and others there endeavoured to alienate her 
affections from him, and I wrote letters to her there ; as 
(I also did) when she was at home, and I had occasion to 
go abroad, when I would leave her a letter so to touch her, 
as that in nry absence she might not be ensnared. Truth 
I wrote to a tittle : though indeed I now want the words 
which love and trouble then made me even abound with. 
If any question the truth hereof, the letters I believe are 
yet extant. 

" What should I have done [that I have not done ?] I am 
not a man-hater, who by pretense could clap her into the 
ship of Turk or Pagan, and ' let her sink or swim,' as one 
of you said. And you have also said, that months after the 
affair commenced, I admitted ' the proud Christopher Yeats 
into my house, pretending him to be my scholar, which was 
no little encouragement to them.' 

" I answer. John Blakeing, coming to our town, said to 
me, ' Shap Friends blame thee much, saying, thou art rough 
in thy proceedings ; if thou blames thy wife, and threatens 
to disinherit thy daughter, I would not have thee do so, only 



402 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

keep thyself clear.' Thomas Wilson told me much to the 
same purpose. I confess there was truth in it ; hut if rightly 
understood, this implies'my clearness from assenting. How- 
ever, not being glued to my own understanding [of the case] 
or to my former method of austerity, when afterwards I 
casually met with Christopher Yeats, I refused not to talk 
a little with him about other things ; but if ever he mentioned 
the aforesaid concern, I bid him hold his peace, for my last 
words about it should answer my first, and never a man that 
spake with a tongue should ever steer me one jot from my 
resolution, it being of divine account. Again, having her 
word of not marrying without my consent, I tried this to 
bring him to desist. Christmas, so called, coming on, three 
or four young men came to learn Hebrew with me, and he, 
unwilling to be behind in that accomplishment, raised 
interest to prevail with me if he might go along with them ; 
I was very unwilling, and at first denied. It was cast upon 
me that I was envious in denying him that common civility 
granted to others, and he told me if he spake a word to her 
[on the occasion] to turn him out of the house. So he came 
some seventh daj'S, about the tenth hour, went directly to 
the chamber above, to the other 3-oung men, and went away 
about the third hour. I confess some might take occasion 
of jealousy as to my assenting from this, but I am sure he 
felt no encouragement by it, for being questioned by some 
he said, ' He is fair in this but about the other business, I 
believe he is unalterable.' 

" Suppose any of you had a daughter so circumstanced 
might you not make him [who was attached to her] a pair 
of shoes, weave him a web, or use civil commerce, and yet 
not give, nor he take encouragement thereby ? 

" Being some weeks from home, and coming by your town 
I first heard of their marriage, which ministered such offence 
and grief, that I was as really resolved to turn her out of 
my house, as ever David was to destroy jSTabal, when 
Abigail's advice and wisdom prevented the same ; so in a 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 403 

■weight}- sense David blessed the Lord, and her advice, which 
had kept him from shedding blood. I had not omitted any 
Christian -way that presented to me to prevent it, so I had 
peace in that I did. Then such scriptures as these, from 
the Holy Book of God, arose within me, about restoring 
such in the spirit of meekness as were overtaken with a fault, 
and to be watchful and strengthen that which remains that 
is ready to die. As I walked from your town that day home, 
it became the whole concern of my mind, that she might be 
preserved from further straying, and for her restoration, in 
order whereunto it was nrv judgment to keep her in mjr 
house, fearing if she went, she might make further shipwreck. 
My end was good, and God hath blessed the same. If any 
would have taken other measures, I judge him not as I am 
judged." 

Thomas Lawson did not long survive his friend George 
Fox. He died about a year after him, in 1691. His will, 
procured from the registry of the court of Carlisle, is now 
before me. After specifying some money bequests to his 
daughters, Deborah and Hannah, he thus remembers Ruth 
and her family. 

" I give to my two grandchildren, Frances and Jane Yeats, 
the sum of five pounds. I give to my daughter Ruth, the 
best cow I have but one. I give to my son-in-law, Chris- 
topher Yeats, and his heirs and assigns for ever, one parcel 
of ground, called Backstanbar, in the lordship of Great 
Strickland, with the field and house thereon, being three 
roods by estimation, held in fee simple, paying one pepper- 
corn when lawfully demanded. I give also to the said 
Christopher Camden's Britannica, my Hebrew Lexicon, and 
all my manuscripts. All the rest of my goods, movable and 
immovable, I give unto Frances my wife, and Deborah and 
Hannah my daughters, whom I make joint executors of this 
my last will and testament." 

Deborah, the second daughter, was married to John 
Fallowfield ; and Hannah, the youngest, to Isaac Thompson, 



404 THE FELLS OP SWAKTHMOOR HALL, 

from whom the Thompsons of Hitchin and Fordingbridge 
are descended, and also their relatives the Thompsons of 
Philadelphia. 

Christopher Yeats dying early, left Ruth a young 
widow ; she was married a second time to John Airey. 
She had three daughters by this marriage, of whom Mar- 
garet, the eldest, was married to John Backhouse, of 
Telland ; Ruth, the second, to Richard Collison (or 
Collinson | ; Mary, the third, to Richard Braithwaite, of 
Misslet. The late Dr. John Airey Braithwaite, of Lan- 
caster, the discoverer of the celebrated medical preparation 
called the black drop, was a grandson of Richard and Mary 
Braithwaite and great-grandson to Thomas Lawson. 

Frances Lawson survived her husband about two 3-ears. 
After her death, a gentleman who had been Thomas 
Lawson's pupil, and entertained great regard for him, 
asked those who composed the meeting of Great Strickland 
to allow him to erect a tomb over the remains of his 
departed friends. They declined, on the ground of such 
erections being contrary to their practice. At Thomas 
Lawson's request this gentleman had given the piece of 
ground which was occupied by the Friends as a burial- 
place ; therefore he replied, — Though he had given the 
spot in question to his friend Thomas Lawson, for burial- 
ground for himself, and family, and friends, he had not 
made it over either to him, or to them, by any legal 
transfer, and would resume his control over it all if they 
continued to decline permitting him to erect the tomb. 
Under these circumstances they allowed him to carry out 
his own plan. A plain tomb was accordingly built, and 
the remains of husband, wife, and son, therein deposited. 
That tomb forms one of the very few such erections which 
were raised in the early times in Friends' burial-grounds. 
It remains there singly, surrounded by the simple grassy 
graves which mark the last earthly resting place of all the 
other deceased friends who belonged to Great Strickland 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 405 

from that day to this. The inscription on the flat stone 
at the top is in Latin, as follows : — 

" Sub hoc Tumulo ja- 
cet Corpus Tliomse 
Lawson de Magna Store- 
lanclia Ludimagister 
et Botauicus non impe- 
ritus qui obiit 12 Die No- 
vembr. : Anno Domini 
1691. Ann ^Etatis 
Suae 61 

Hie eliam jacet Corpus Fran- 
ciscae Lawson uxoris ejus 
quae mortem obiit 3 Die 
Feb. Anno Domini 1693 
Anno ^Etatis E5. 
Hie quoque contumulatur 
Iona Lawson 
Filius unigenitus prae- 
dict Tho. et Franciscae 
Lawson qui ab hac vita 
decessit 23 Die Febr. 
Anno Domini 1683 et 
Anno ^Etatis suas 14." 



CHAPTER XXYIII. 

1691 — 1695, and onward. 

William Ingram's Marriage with Susanna Fell — His Let- 
ter to M. Fox — Marriage op Bethiah Rous — Margaret 
Fox to her Grandson — To Thomas Lower — Rachel Abraham 
to heii Husband — William Ingram to M. Fox — Margaret 
Rous to her Mother — Death op John Rous — His Will — 
Family History — Descendants. 

In 5th month 1691, Susanna Fell was married to William 
Ingram, of London ; she was his second wife. Judging by 
his correspondence, he appears to have been a man of good 
education, excellent understanding, and devoted piety. 



406 THE FELLS 0E SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

He valued very highly, as expressed in some of his letters, 
the estimable qualities that prevailed in his wife's family, 
and in an especial manner did he regard his mother-in-law 
with admiration and reverence. For forty years he had 
"been acquainted with George Fox, as we find from his 
declaration when proving the handwriting of G. F.'s will ; 
but with the Swarthmoor Fells there is no correspondence 
remaining to indicate intimate acquaintance till after his 
marriage with Susanni. 

The following is the first letter of his I have met with : — 

William Ingram to Margaret Fox. 

"London, the 9th of the 12th mo., 1691. 
" Dear and honoured Mother, — It hath been for sometime 
past upon my mind to write to thee, to acquaint thee of 
our health and welfare, which, through mercy, is continued 
unto us, and not only so, but also the goodness and love of 
God is preciously enjoj^ed by us both, being that which we 
earnestly desired and hoped for, and had a true prospect of, 
when the Lord by his power first wrought to bring us into 
a nearness of affection, which now we are made comfortable 
partakers of, and trust shall be preserved in it, as our' 
minds are fixedly stayed on Him whose blessing hitherto 
has descended upon us with abundance of content and sat- 
isfaction. And, indeed, as to myself, I do, in spirit, often 
return thanks unto the Lord who has cast my lot into such 
a family, where for many years I have been sensible the 
glory of His name and Truth have been sought and exalted 
over all, and the remembrance of it does always create to 
me a joy ; and I often feel [though absent in body] a mutal 
comfort and refreshment in the Lord, as if personally 
present with you all. And I know my joy would be more 
full if I could 3-et live to see thy face, which I cannot but 
say I greatly desire if the Lord should open a way for it, 
although, as yet, I do not see how it may be accomplished ; 
however, I shall leave my request with the Lord, and if it 



AND TI1EIR FRIENDS. 407 

be not permitted, I shall acquiesce in full assurance of 
hope hereafter to meet thee with the Lord's sanctified ones 
in the kingdom of eternal rest and quiet. So with mine, 
and my dear wife's duty to thee, and dear love to our dear 
brethren and sisters, both in outward and inward relations, 
rests 

Thy truly loving son, 

" Wm. Ingram. * 

[Postscript.]—" We came from Gooseyes to-day where 
we left our brother and sister Meade with the children 
well, only my brother somewhat indisposed by a cold, 
which has a little swelled his face ; he received thy letter 
with the inclosed to the women Friends, which he intends 
himself to read in their meeting, seeing our sister cannot 
well leave the children this winter season." 

But few letters remain to mark any of the family occur- 
rences for the next two or three years. We know, however, 
from the London records, that in 1692, Margaret Fox's 
eldest granddaughter, Bethiah Rous, was married to David 
English, of Pontefract. 

The following letter from that venerable grandmother, 
then in her seventy-ninth year, indicates the unceasing 
earnest flow of her affectionate solicitude towards the rising 
generation : — 

Margaret Fox to her Grandson. 

" 11th 12th mo., 1693. 
"Dear Nathaniel Meade,— I received thy dear letter 
gladly, by which I perceive thou learns very well both to 
read and to write, which I am very glad of. But, dear 
child, I could desire above all that thou would learn to 
know God thy maker and Jesus Christ thy Redeemer, 
whom to know is eternal life, and Him thou mayst know 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection. 



408 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

by His calling in thy mind, to incline thee from sin, evil, 
and all lightness and vanity, so tbat thou wilt learn to fear 
the Lord, and then thou wilt know thy duty to God, and 
to thy parents. Oh, this lesson ! I pray Almighty God to 
teach thee. This is from thy grandmother, and I desire thee 
to write it out with thy own hand, and to keep it. Re- 
member my dear love to thy cousin Richard [Richard 
Lower] and let him write another copy for himself. This 
thou hast procured b} r thy diligence in writing to me."* 

The adaptation of the above letter, to the mind of a little 
boy of nine or ten 3^ears old, may, perhaps, be questioned 
in this generation, furnished abundantly as it is with simple 
literature of all sorts for children, which reaches by such 
easy approaches to their thoughts and their feelings. Our 
age is as remarkable for striving to mingle amusement 
with all kinds of instruction, as that of our early Puritan 
and Quaker ancestors was for overmuch contemning 
amusement. It is by no means certain that the early 
Friends, or the religious portion of the general community 
in their day, either understood the importance of duly 
alternating business with active playfulness in childhood 
and 3'outh, or that they provided sufficiently for it. But 
whatever may have been the deficiencies in this point of the 
first Quaker age, we may be very sure its training, and 
its events, produced earnest, devoted, vigorous minded 
men and women without number. At all events, the letter 
just quoted, whether suited for so young a child or not, is 
a beautiful evidence that the dear old Christian lady of 
nearly fourscore who wrote it, desired above all else for 
her grandsons that they might know what was truly the 
will of God, and knowing it, might live accordingly in the 
fulfilment of their duty to their Heavenly Father, and their 
duty to their earthly parents. How far their lives corre- 
sponded with their grandmother's desires for them, I know 

* From tlie Spence Collection of Swarthmoor MSS. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 409 

not. One of them died in early manhood. Of the history 
of the other, little more is known than that he became a 
suecesful lawyer. 

The two following letters from Margaret Fox and her 
daughter, give us a few glimpses of the inner life of Daniel 
Abraham and his wife. That from Rachel discloses also 
much of executive business capacity. At the time they 
were written, Thomas Lower and his family had settled in 
Loudon. 

Margaret Fox to Thomas Lower. 

"Swarthmoor, 26th 10th mo., 1694. 

" Dear Son Lower, — I received thy letter, and the 
account thou gave me of things is very satisfactory. I 
had written to thee before concerning my son Abraham's 
journey to London, but waited for on account from him 
[saying] when he thought to be there, which I have had 
this last post. It is two weeks since he went hence, and 
it pleased the Lord at the very time that he intended to 
go, to send James Dickenson hither to be his companion. 
He hath had a concern upon his mind relative to the City of 
London this twelve months. How it may please the Lord 
to discharge him of it, we must commit to Him. The 
exercise is very weighty, and has been hard upon us all. 
It hath been much in my mind since he went, if he could 
find freedom in himself to write what is upon him to say, 
and upon Friends' consideration and approbation, it might 
be printed and dispersed in the city. I desire much your 
tenderness with respect to his present sta'e, and also your 
advice and counsel, as in the wisdom of God you see meet ; 
for thou knows he is young, and so easily hurt. I perceive 
he hath a desire to lodge at thy house. 

"We are well here, through the Lord's mercy, and we 
hear nothing but that your concerns are in good order, 
and doing well over at [Marsh Grange]. 



410 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

" Very dear love to thyself and wife, and all your dear 
children.* 

"M. F." 

Rachel Abraham to her Husband. 

"Swarthmoor, 7th 11th mo.,1694. 

" My dear, — Thy second letter from London I received, 
which I was exceedingly glad of. I cannot but take it 
very kindly and very tenderly from thee, that thou should 
so often visit me with thy dear affectionate lines, which 
are so comfortable and so joyful to me. I thought not to 
have written this post, fearing thou might think I writ too 
often, but that I know it will be welcome to thee to hear 
how are the dear little ones which the Lord hath blessed 
us with. 

" Thomas is something better, but John was worse since 
my hist letter to thee, but my confidence is that he is again 
on the mending hand. He hath been feverish and much 
out of order, but I am sensible of the Lord's love and 
mercy towards him, for which I desire we may with true 
reverence and thankfulness return Him the praise whose 
regard is towards us, and whose care will continue over us, 
if we keep in faithfulness and sincerity before Him. 

" I writ to thee last post, and enclosed some things that 
made mj r letter very bulky, but I hope thou wilt excuse it. 
If any thing can be done in the business, about tithes, it 
might be well to hinder a sequestration, seeing many 
Friends, as well as thee, are concerned. May the Lord 
strengthen the faith and patience of His people, if it stand 
good in His sight, that no drawing back or fainting may be 
in the camp of Israel, no evil heart of unbelief, that so the 
Lord may never have to withdraw His presence from us, 
nor the lifting up of His countenance upon us [paper torn 
and words obliterated * * * * * J. 

* From the Benson Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 411 

" I could be glad thou got something done about the 
abatement with cousin Fell, which he cannot reasonably 
refuse.* There was also in his contract with thee, when 
thou made the purchase of his estate, £400 and £20, which 
he articled to allow thee for the payment of his mother's 
annuity. The £20 he hath never yet allowed. Thou may 
very justly insist upon it. Also that business about Henry 
Leathern, which is still undecided. It is good to make an 
end of such matters when people ars together, and when 
the Lord affords an opportunity. And remember to get a 
full receipt from him for what brother Ingram paid him 
upon thy account, with an endorsement also on the bond, 
both of which are necessary and reasonable for him to do. 
I hope thou wilt not be short in any of the things above 
mentioned, and get brother Lower's and brother Ingram's 
assistance, and do not hearken to his objections, which 
thou hast cause in many things to know have been unjust. 

" Many Friends of our meeting do exceeding kindly and 
tenderly enquire for thee, and with true gladness do hear 
of thy well-being; and many enquire when I expect thee 
home ; and, oh, it will be joy to n:e to hear of that, yet I am 
resigned to the will of the Lord ; but do earnestly desire 
thee not to be slack therein when the Lord is pleased to give 
thee liberty. 

" I conclude, thy truly loving wife, 

" Rachel Abraham.'^ 

From a message of love to " brother and sister Abraham, 
and their only son" at the close of a letter from William 
Ingram, written about three months after the foregoing, it 
is evident that during the interim, one of the little boys, 



* 'Cousin Fell above alluded to may have been George's son 
Charles, then about 24 years of age, and we find throughout those 
letters that nephews and n'eces are thus often mentioned as cousins. 

f From the original in the Miller Collection. 



412 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

about whose health their mother was so anxious, must have 
died. John was the survivor. The same letter says — 
" Friends' Bill for relief from oaths, &c, passed through 
the House of Commons, last sixth day ; the like is hoped 
from the House of Lords, where the said Bill is at present 
lodged." The final passing of that Bill was regarded by 
the Friends as a signal mark of Divine favour. It was, indeed, 
a blessed termination to the prolonged and faithful stand 
they had made for nearly half a century, against the legal 
exactions of the courts in opposition to what they regarded 
as the cause of Christ. Over the affirmation which was 
substituted for the oath, Margaret Fox rejoiced with devout 
thankfulness to the Lord, and with heartfelt gratitude to 
King William and his ministers. Some Friends took 
exception to the wording of the affirmation, respecting which 
she wrote, earnestly expostulating with them, and defending 
the form of declaration substituted as being scripturally 
justifiable, and such as her dear departed husband, George 
Fox, had so long and so ardently desired. 

The letter which follows, shadows forth a deep family 
affliction, respecting which I have never met with any other 
account but what may be drawn from this and the succeeding 
letter : — 

Margaret Rous to her Mother. 

Loxdox, 1st of 1st mo. [March], 1605. 

" Dear and honoured Mother, — We do not hear anything 
3 r et of the ship my dear husband was in, eleven more being 
wanting. One master that is come, tells me he was aboard 
his ship some days before the storm, and he was very weakly 
and much out of health, but saw him several days after, 
before the storm, walk upon the deck, but when they were 
parted did not see one another afterwards, so how it hath 
pleased the Lord to deal with him — poor heart — I am in 
great doubt ; the consideration of the thing is very hard, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 413 

but I have no vray but to look unto the Lord, and submit 
to His divine baud. His providence is able and all-sufficient 
to preserve through all perils and dangers, as ne hath been 
pleased to do to my poor husband several times, and He is 
the same God still and His power is the same, and to His 
blessed providence I must leave it all, but my exercise is 
great. I received thy letter, which is of great worth to me, 
my poor children are sadly troubled ; if you please to write 
to Bethiah, and send it hither, I shall send it to her. Xath. 
and Ann are pretty well, .considering our great trial, as I 
am myself. All our duties and dearest love is to thee, and 
all our dear love to brother, and sister, and cousins, desiring 
thy blessing and prayers for me and mine, and desiring to 
[hear] from thee, I am, 

" Thy truly loving daughter, 

" M. Rous." 
Thus indorsed by John Abraham. 

" Aunt Rous' sorrowful letter to my dear and honoured 
grandmother, relating to the loss of her dear and tender 
husband, my uncle Rous, in 1695."* 

The above indorsement, taken in connection with the 
statements in the letter itself, leads to the conclusion that 
John Rous was lost with his ship. Had he died of sickness, 
on the passage home from the West Indies, his nephew 
would scarcely have used the term he does in speaking of 
his death. 

Our next letter, written about three months after the pre- 
ceding one, alludes to arrangements having been made by 
the Meades, to render it practicable for their beloved aged 
mother, then upwards of eighty, to undertake the long 
journey from Swarthmoor to London. Doubtless they were 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection. 



414 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

anxious on their poor bereaved sister's account, yet more 
than on their own, to see her among them. 

Margaret Rous to her Mother. 

" 1st of the Jfth mo., 1695. 

" Dear Mother, — I understand Brother and Sister Meade 
have written for thee, and much desire th} 7 ' coming to Lon- 
don, and think of sending conveyances for thy coming up, 
as they have signified to thee, and which is very kindly and 
tenderly clone. We shall all he very glad to see thee, and 
shall all much rejoice to have thee amongst us if it stand 
with thy freedom to answer their and our desire ; but I dare 
press nothing but leave it as the Lord shall incline thee. 
He knows thy strength and ability, and is able to renew, 
or to give unto thee what He sees thou hast occasion for. 
( >f His helping hand and strengthening arm of power thou 
hast had many experiences. 

" We are all pretty well as to health, but our great trouble 
and exercises we cannot easily get over ;.for indeed they are 
very heavy — may the Lord be our help and support. Son 
and daughter English, and Nathaniel and Anne, do all with 
my duty and dearest love remember theirs to thee, and our 
love and respects to brother and sister. All our relations 
here are well. We shall be glad to hear from thee with speed , 
dear mother, — and desiring thy prayers for me and mine, 
am thy truly loving daughter, 

" M. Rous."* 

The Will of John Rous procured from the prerogative 
court of Canterbury, in its notices and bequests, casts some 
light on the family concerns. From it we learn there was 
a daughter Margaret, who is not alluded to after attaining 
womanhood in any of the family letters extant. But it is 
evident from her father's Will that she had been a source 
of trouble to her parents. 

* From the original in the Tkirnbeck Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 415 

John and Margaret Rous had twelve children, of these 
the four eldest died in infancy ; and only four of the 
remaining eight were living at the time their father made 
his will, in 1692 ; these were Bethiah, Margaret, Anne, and 
Nathaniel. In the death of eight out of twelve children, 
Margaret "Rous had a large share of maternal affliction, and 
in Margaret she seems to have had a living trouble. There 
is no information as to the mode in which this daughter so 
much displeased her parents, but not being mentioned about 
the time of her father's death in any of her mother's or 
grandmother's letters from or to Kingston, suggests the idea 
that she did not reside there, and that she had probably 
married contrary to the wishes of her family. 

Legal phraseology and professional circumlocution render 
the will of John Rous so long a document that I shall only 
give an extract. 

Thus it commences : — 

Extract from the Will of John Rous. 
Dated the 20th day of October, 1692. 

" This is the last will and testament of me, John Rous, 
of Kingston-upon-Thames, in the county of Surrey, Mer- 
chant, made and declared the twentieth day of October, One 
thousand six hundred and ninety-two. And in the fourth 
year of the reign of our sovereign Lord and Lady William 
and Mary, by the grace of God King and Queen of England, 
Scotland, France, and Ireland, &e. 

" I do hereby ratify and confirm unto Margaret, my now 
wife, for her life all that annuit}^, rent charge, or payment 
of four hundred pounds per annum, which was heretofore 
settled and secured unto and upon her for life, for her 
jointure in lieu and satisfaction of her dower, by my father, 
Thomas Rous, deceased, and hy him charged upon all his 
estate, both real and personal, in the parish of Phillips, or 
elsewhere, in the Island of Barbadoes, by indenture tripartite, 



416 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

bearing date the fourteenth da} 1- of November, in the four- 
teenth }*ear of the reign of Charles II., late King of England, 
and made, or mentioned to he made, between the said 
Thomas Rous, by the name of Thomas Rous the elder, of 
the parish of Phillips, in the Island of Barbadoes, Esquire, 
of the first part, and Margaret Fell, of Swarthrnoor, in the 
county of Lancaster, the widow and relict of Thomas Fell, 
late of Swarthrnoor, Esquire, deceased, of the second part; 
and me, the said John Rous, by the name of John Rous, the 
elder son, and heir apparent of the said Thomas Rous and 
Margaret his wife, the elder daughter of the said Thomas 
Fell, and the aforesaid Margaret, of the third part. 

'• Item — I give and bequeath unto Margaret, my wife, 
all of that my messuage or tenement wherein I now dwell, 
with all out-houses, edifices, buildings, gardens, orchards, 
lands, and meadow ground thereunto belonging, with their 
appurtenances, situate, lying, and being in Kingston afore- 
said, and the reasonable use of all my household goods 
and furniture that shall be therein at the time of my 
decease, to have and to hold the same to her and her 
assigns, during her widowhood. From and after her next 
marriage, or death, which shall first happen, I do give 
and bequeath the same unto my only son Nathaniel Rons 
and his heirs," &c, &c 

Then follows a detailed account of the provisions under 
which he leaves another sum of £500 to his married 
daughter, Bethiah English, to whose husband he had given 
alike sum on her marriage, and to his unmarried daughter 
Anne, £1,500, also subject to various provisions, one of 
which was, that should she marry contrary to her mother's 
consent, she was only to have £500, the other thousand 
going to her brother, to whom all of the Barbadoes property 
was bequeathed. ■ Margaret is thus mentioned : — ■ 

" I give and bequeath unto my daughter Margaret, who 
hath several ways disobliged me, the sum of ten pounds 



AND THEIR FRIENTDS. 417 

only of lawful money of England, to be paid unto her 
•within three months next after iny decease. But if after 
my decease she shall by her obedient and dutiful carriage 
oblige my wife, then my will is, and I do hereb} r give and 
bequeath unto my said daughter Margaret for her benefit, 
in such manner as my now wife shall direct and appoint, 
such a sum of money as my wife shall direct, order, and 
appoint, so as the said sum exceed not five hundred pounds, 
to be paid within three months next after such order." 

No letters either before or afterwards reveal to us any 
more of Margaret's faults or position in life. Over her 
history and that of her descendants, if she left any, a cloud 
of impenetrable obscurity rests. 

John Rous left all his property to his wife and children, 
except £5 each to his two brothers-in-law, whom he requested 
to act as "overseers." It seems improbable, from the 
sums he bequeathed to his daughters, and from another 
provision of his will, that he was so rich a man as his father 
had been. The Barbadoes estate may have undergone one 
of those tropical catastrophes not uncommon in that region, 
which had reduced its value. Such an experience might 
probably have caused him to add the following clause — 
" My will is that when my son-in-law, David English, and 
my said daughter Anne, shall receive their respective lega- 
cies, they shall give bond to my executor hereafter named 
for their several and respective repayment of two hundred 
and fifty pounds apiece, in case any other loss shall happen 
to my said plantation in Barbadoes, within five years after 
their receipt of their respective legacies." 

Nathaniel was left " full and sole executor " to his father's 
will, and "William Meade and William Ingram " overseers 
thereof." The family mansion which John Rous bequeathed 
to his wife had been erected by himself. It was an Eliza- 
bethan building, and stood till lately in an elevated suburb 
of Kingston, called Surbiton, It was ultimately purchased 



418 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

for a parish workhouse ; but its site is now graced by 
some fasionable villas. Margaret Rous survived her hus- 
band eleven years. She died in London 2nd of 5th mo., 
1*106, aged 73. Her son Nathaniel's marriage is thus 
recorded, about a year and nine months after his father's 
death : — 

"Nathaniel Rous, of the parish of [St.] Maiy's Bathaw, 
London, Merchant, to Hannah Woods, daughter of Caleb 
Woods of Guilford, at Guildford, 13th 8th mo., 1696." 
The} r had five children, of whom three, a son and two 
daughters, survived their father. Nathaniel himself died 
intestate at Wandsworth in 1717, aged 46. His son John 
survived him only 5 years ; he died at Leeds, and was 
interred there in the burial ground of Friends, at Meadow- 
lane. Whether or not John was married, I have not been 
able to ascertain; but if he were the eldest son, he must 
have been 24 or 25 at the time of his decease. Of the 
history of his two sisters, Joanna and Anne, nothing is 
known. Perhaps they as well as their brother may have 
descendants, who can cast some light on this ancestral 
question. 

Bethiah, the eldest daughter, who was born in 1666 and 
married in 1692 to David English, of Pontefract, left three 
sons, Nathaniel, Thomas, and Benjamin. Of the descend- 
ants of the two latter, if they left any, there is no trace. 
Through Nathaniel, though the name of English was trans- 
mitted and continued for two more generations, it now 
seems to be extinct. Margaret English, granddaughter to 
the above Nathaniel, was married in 1787, to Joseph Hoy- 
land, of Sheffield, afterwards of Waterford. Margaret 
Hoyland was a much-valued minister in the Society of 
Friends, and a woman of remarkable judgment, executive 
capacity, and refinement of mind and manners. She was 
indeed a devoted Christian and a worthy representative of 
her ancestors, Margaret Fell and Margaret Rous. She 
was left a widow in early life, and died in Waterford in 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 419 

the year 1833. Of her two sons and two daughters, Henry, 
Sarah, Anna, and Joseph, only Sarah was married, and 
she died upwards of 20 years ago, without leaving any 
descendants ; Henry, who was the eldest, alone survives. 
And so far as can be traced, Henry Hoyland, of Co. 
Antrim, Ireland, is the only descendant of Bethial English 
that remains. Nay more, he appears to be the only living 
descendant of John and Margaret Rous ; for Anne Rous, 
who was married to Benjamin Dykes or Dix, left no child 
behind her who attained j-ears of maturity. She was his 
second wife. 



CHAPTER XXIX. 

1697—1702. 



Last visit of Margaret Fox to London — Letter from Daniel 
Abraham — M. F.'s Address to King William— Letter to 
Edmund Waller — Epistle to Friends — Wm. Ingram to 
M. Fox — Mary Lower to her Mother — Margaret Fox's 

REVIVAL OP HER TESTIMONY — HER DEATH. 

By the next letter, it appears that Margaret Fox was 
with her children in the neighbourhood of London, in the 
latter end of the 3-ear 1697 ; and also that Daniel Abraham, 
that same year, sold the Hawkswell estate, which he had 
purchased from Charles Fell, Judge Fell's grandson. 

Thus he writes to his mother-in-law : 

Daniel Abraham to Margaret Fox. 

"Swarthmoor, 22nd lltlimo., 1697, [January, 1698.] 

" Dear and honoured Mother, — Thy dear and acceptable 
letter, dated the 10th of the 11th month instant, we very 
gladly received ; and by thy remembrance, of us [and thy] 
tender regard and travail in spirit for our good, we are 
greatly comforted and refreshed, and our earnest desire is 



420 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

that we may be still remembered by thee in thy near 
approaches unto the Lord, for our preservation every way ; 
and as it is very comfortable and joyous unto us to hear 
that the Lord hath enabled thee to perform those services 
which He is pleased to require of thee, so our trust and 
hope is that when thou findest freedom in thy spirit to 
return unto us, and to the place of thy outward habitation 
again, that He will give thee ability to perform the same, 
unto the great comfort of us, thy children here, which, 
with submission unto the holy will of the Lord, we much 
desire. And, dear mother, according as my wife last 
week acquainted thee, I have sold Hawks w, ell, at a better 
rate than what I had been befoi'e bidden by either Isaac, or 
Roland Atkinson, or any other, of this I perceive my wife 
hath written, so I need not enlarge thereon ; and truly we 
are very desirous to embrace opportunities for the dis- 
charging of our engagements, as our exercise many times 
is weight}^, not so much through any unwillingness to 
dispose of things, as lest by the squandering thereof 
by the enemies of Truth, the Truth might be reproached. 

" We are through mercy all well here. John is pretty 
diligent at his book, and doth improve in his learning ; he 
many times mentions thee with tenderness. The season 
here hath been very cold ; we have had much both snow 
and frost this winter. 

" We are concerned to hear of the return of cousin 
William Yeamans' illness, and if it might in any wise 
conduce unto his health, we should be glad when the 
weather were seasonable of his company here."* 

The illness alluded to is of Isabel's only son, which 
appears to have been consumption ; it terminated soon 
afterwards in death. 

Margaret Fox remained with her children in and near 
the metropolis for five months more ; before returning to 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 421 

Swarthmoor, she penned the following address to the King, 
which her daughter Susanna presented in person. 

To. King William. 

" It hath pleased Almighty God to Tbring me unto this 
place, two hundred miles from my outward dwelling, in 
my old age, (being entered into my 85th year) to bear my 
testimony for that eternal Truth, which I and many more 
are made partakers of, — praised be the Lord ! But I am 
not free to return to my habitation until I have cleared 
myself unto this government. I was exercised in this 
manner the flist year King Charles II. came to the ci'own ; 
and laboured among them [at Court] a whole year to 
acquaint them with our principles. Great opposition we 
had both from Church and State, yet it pleased God to 
cause them to give us some liberty to worship Him, though 
sometimes under great sufferings. 

"And now I am to acquaint King William that we have 
been a people for about forty-six years, having lived under 
several reigns ; and we have suffered very much, as is well 
known to the nation of England, even to the death of 
several hundreds by imprisonment and other hardships. 
Yet we were never found in the transgression of any just 
or righteous law, but only [suffered] upon account of our 
consciences towards God. 

" We do deny [and condemn] all plotting and contriving 
against the government, and all false underhand dealing. 
We live in [the maintenance] of that principle which is 
righteous, just, and true ; for God is a God of Truth, and 
blessed are all they that fear Him and walk in His Truth. 
And now God has placed thee over us in this Government, 
who hast been very moderate and merciful to us, and we 
live very comfortably under thee, and do enjoy our meet- 
ings quietly. God hath blessed thy government and pros- 
pered thy undertakings, for which the King and we have 
cause to bless His Holy name, who is the God of Peace, 



422 THE FELLS OF SWARTHM00R HALL, 

and His Son the Prince of Peace, who has given us tran- 
quillity. 

" Thy gentle government and clemency and gracious 
acts God hath and will reward thee for. And as we abide 
in the just and righteous principles of God, I hope the 
government shall never hear worse of us ; but that we 
shall rather be a blessing than grievance to it and the 
nation. So it will be if we continue in the blessed Truth ; 
in which I pray God for thy preservation, who am His 
servant, and thj^ faithful subject. 

" Margaret Fox 

"Loxdon, gjth 4th mo., called June, 1C9S. 

" Delivered to the King the 25th of the 4th mo., by 
Susan Ingram." 

Considerations on two points pressed on the mind of this 
aged servant of the Lord, on the eve of returning to her 
own home in the north. One had reference to the religious 
interests of an individual, the other to some manifestations 
she had observed in the Society more at large. In both 
instances, as soon as she was able, she relieved herself by 
communicating her feelings to those to whom they applied. 

The individual in whose religious state she had become 
so much interested, was Edmund Waller, son and heir to 
Waller the poet. She had hoped to have seen him before 
leaving London, but had been disappointed. Brought up 
under influences and prepossessions far away from such 
principles and practices as those of the Society of Friends, 
that young man had become weary of the insincerity of 
the gay world, and of the selfish surroundings with which 
a worldly-minded father had encompassed him. Turning 
away from them in disgust, the Holy Spirit had led his 
weaiy soul to Gospel Truth, which he saw maintained in 
unsophisticated simplicity by the Friends ; and he accord- 
ingly joined their Society a few years after his father's 
death. To understand what a great change this involved, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 423 

we must recall his father's circumstances, and those in 
which the son was educated and left. 

Edmund Waller, the poet, possessing by inheritance an 
ample property, being cousin to the Protector and nephew 
to Hampton, occupied the position, during the Common- 
wealth and various Parliaments, of a Government favourite. 
But, in fact, his Parliamentary life commenced in the 
reign of James the First, when he was only eighteen years 
of age. After the death of Cromwell, when the cause of 
royalty became more hopeful, he was very ready to take 
up with that side again. Accordingly, he was smiled on 
by the new King, sat in the first Parliament summoned by 
Charles II., and kept his seat throughout the Parliaments 
of that reign. He acted occasionally as poet laureate, and 
•was an accomplished statesman, and a brilliant, subtle, 
witty orator. Such was the example placed before his son. 
Amid such surroundings he was educated. The father 
died in 1687, leaving Edmund his chief heir. Thus Dr. 
Johnson speaks of the four sons : — " Benjamin, the eldest, 
was disinherited and sent to New Jerse}", as wanting com- 
mon understanding. Edmund, the second son, inherited 
the estate, and represented Agmondesham in Parliament, 
but at last turned Quaker. William, the third son, was a 
merchant in London. Stephen, the fourth, was an eminent 
Doctor of Laws and one of the Commissioners for the 
Union." 

The letter of Margaret Fox to him who " turned Quaker " 
is as follows : — 

" To Edmund Waller. 

"Dear Friend, — I should have been glad to have seen 
thee before I returned to mj' outward habitation, under- 
standing that thou hast made choice of that blessed Truth 
that we bear witness to. I cannot but say, it is well thou 
hast chosen the better part, which, if thou [desire to] abide 
in, will never be taken from thee. I perceive by some letters 



424 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

from thee, -which I have heard read, that there is a work of 
God begun in thy inward man. This is the great work that 
God is "working in this His day in the hearts of His people ; 
as it was in the hearts of the Apostles ; in which time, 
though they professed all one thing, yet there were divi- 
sions amongst them concerning some things— even division 
between Paul and Peter. And the Apostle writ to the 
Corinthians, that he was afraid of them, lest the serpent 
should beguile them through his subtlety. The simplicity 
which is in Christ is single and innocent without [selfish] 
ends. Now, the subtlety of the serpent is to draw aside 
and to appear another thing than it is in reality. But where 
Christ is the Leader and Guide, there will He bless and 
prosper ; and He is an unchangeable God. 

" To this God, who is merciful, constant and faithful, I 
commit thee to perfect His own work by His word in thee. 
He is God over all blessed for ever. 

" From thy well-wishing Friend in 
" The Truth, 
"Margaret Fox."* 

"London, the 25th of the //.tit. month, 1690.' " 

The other communication referred to is dated from 
Swarthmoor the same month, so that it must have been 
written or finished immediately on her return home. It is 
entitled, — 

"An Epistle to Friends." 

I give only its concluding passages, as those for which it 
appears to have been especially written : — 

" Let us all take heed of touching anything like the cere- 
monies of the Jews, for that was displeasing unto Christ. 
He testified against their outside practices, and told them 

* From the volume published by M. F.'s family after her death. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 425 

of their long robes and broad phylacteries ; and when they 
found fault with Him for eating and drinking with publicans 
and sinners, He told them that publicans and sinners should 
enter into the Kingdom before them. So that we may see 
how ill He liked their outward show. 

" Let us keep to the leading of the Eternal Spirit that God 
hath given us to be our teacher, and let that put on, and off, 
as is serviceable for every one's state. Let us take heed of 
limiting [one another] in such practices ; for we are under 
the Gospel leading and guiding and teaching. Legal cere- 
monies are far from Gospel freedom. Let us beware of being 
guilty, or of having a hand in ordering or contriving that 
which is contrary to Gospel freedom. It is a dangerous 
thing to lead young Friends much into the observation of 
outward things, which may easily be done. For they can 
soon get into an outward garb so as to be all alike outwardly ; 
but this will not make them true Christians ; it is the Spirit 
that gives life. I would be loath to have a hand in such 
things. May the Lord preserve us, that we do no hurt to 
God's work, but let Him work whose work it is. 

" TVe have lived quietly and peaceably thus far, and it is 
not for God's service now to make breaches. 

" Margaret Fox.* 

"Stvaethmooe, 

4th mo., i695." 

It is evident that during her late visits, she had witnessed 
something of a narrowing formal spirit at work which was 
beginning to call for an external uniformity and a close with- 
drawal within a sectarian inclosure, such as grieved her. 
This did not correspond with her convictions of Gospel 
freedom, or of the Spiritual life and Christian energy that 
the Holy Spirit imparts. 

About the same time some Friends in the North of 
England started an objection to the payment of fee-farm 

* From M. F.'s published Epistles. 



426 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

rent-charge, such as was attached to the Swarthmoor 
estate. They maintained that it was a form of tithe 
originally got up for the maintenance of a priesthood, and 
as such, that the Friends should leave them who claimed it 
to distrain rather than to pay it voluntarily. The idea laid 
hold of Daniel Abraham's conscience, and acting ou it, the 
person whose right it was, sued him with the view of 
dispossessing him. This involved expensive law pro- 
ceedings and much perplexity to the family. Thomas 
Lower, whose estate of Marsh Grange was held under a 
similar tenure, did not unite in Daniel Abraham's scruples. 
Nor did his brother-in-law, William Ingram. In connection 
with the case, Daniel Abraham repaired to London, where 
his friends and relations laboured to convince him of his 
error, and at length they appear to have succeeded. In a 
letter written during that time, Win. Ingram says to 
Rachel Abraham, under date 10th mo., 1699: — u Dear 
Sister, we received thine this week, and have truly 
S3 T mpathised with thee and our dear mother in all your 
suffering and distress, which has happened through this 
unadvised refusal to pay the fee-farm rent. We greatly 
pity thy exercised condition, but know as the Lord is eyed 
and had regard unto,. He is able and in clue time will give 
ease to the afflicted. We had our dear mother's letter 
directed to my wife, which we gave thy husband a sight of, 
and he seemed pleased with it. My brother and sister 
Meade are now in town, and with brother Lower and the 
rest of our relations sj-mpathise with you. We have dealt 
very plainly with my brother in this affair, and hope it will 
have a good effect, being done in love. There need be no 
fear of a sequestration coming upon you — that is stopped 
— it is only the costs that are depending."* 

The letter which follows, written more than a j r ear after 
* From the orig'nal in the Abraham Collection. 






AND THEIR FRIENDS. 42 7 

the foregoing, proves that some who had commenced the 
agitation were not disposed to yield their opinions, how- 
ever contrary they were to the judgment of more experi- 
enced minds. 

George Whitehead to Margaret Fox. 

"Londox, loth 1st mo., 1701.'''' 

" My dear and ancient beloved Friend M. F., — 
" In the love of our blessed Lord Jesus Christ, do I 
tenderly salute thee and the rest of the faithful with thee ; 
being often consolated that in our failing years we are 
supported by His divine love and power, who is the same 
yesterday, to-clay and for ever, who hath hitherto helped 
us with faith and patience [amid] afflictions and adver- 
sities, and who lifted up our heads overall oppositions — all 
prejudice and spirit of discord, [in that] great fight of afflic- 
tion, not known by some who now would ' reign as kings 
without us.' But glory and dominion be to our God and 
to the Lamb who sits upon the throne immoveable and 
immutable — even to Him who was first and will be last, for 
'tis His right to reign, all crowns must be cast down before 
Him. And we whose faith fails not, shall have the answer 
of our Great Mediator's prayers ; we shall triumph as with 
palms in our hands, in token of victory and crowns of glory 
which will never fade away. 

" Dear Margaret, I received thy kind letter, dated the 
20th Twelfth Month, H00, which was kindly accepted. I 
am truly sorry to understand that there are some among 
you that are zealous, but not according to true knowledge 
and divine wisdom, which is pure and peaceable, and 
admits not of strife or self-exaltation, nor seeks to pick 
occasions against faithful brethren or sisters in Christ. I 
am sorry that any should take upon them to judge any of 
3 t ou at this time of day, about a matter which they cannot 
demonstrate to be either an evil in its own nature, or such 



428 THE PELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

as is prohibited b}' the divine law of Christ. If it were 
either, I verily believe the Lord would have long since 
discovered it unto you. 

' ; Upon a late search into the statutes of the 22nd and 
24th of King Charles II., chap. 6 and 24, about those fee- 
farm rents, I do not understand that they are tithes or 
tenths, or so rendered as nomine decimee ; but distinct from 
them and reserved as payable to the crown, or as a crown 
rent, and since settled in trustees, who were empowered to 
make sale of them for the king. I do not understand that 
these rents amount to near the quantity of tithes or tenths. 
If they had been originally part of the tithes or church 
rents, the property was altered by converting them into a 
rent to the crown ; and now the king and government have 
the same power in like manner to take away part of the 
tithes, and so alter the property as to turn them towards 
maintaining the crown, or put them to some other necessary 
civil use ; and I see not how [in that form] conscience 
should refuse payment of them more than to refuse the j 
payment of taxes or poor rates, suppose part of the tenths 
were turned to these uses. 

" Dear Margaret, thy relations are well here. Thy grand- 
daughter, Margery Lower and Benjamin Robinson, were 
married last Fifth-day, at Bull and Mouth ; and a great 
meeting and solemnity we had, where I had some good 
service. Many great persons and some members of par- 
liament were present, and were generally civil and sober 
and well satisfied — blessed be the Lord for His good power 
and wisdom, accompanying and helping us. 

" In true love to thee and thine and to Thomas Dockray, 
and with kind love from my dear wife to thee and you all, 
I remain, 

" Thy assured loving friend and brother in the Truth, 
George Whitehead." * 



* From the original, in possession of Sarah C. Hicks, Stanstead. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 429 

William Ingram to Margaret Fox. 

"Loxdox, 14th 7th mo. [September], 1700. 

" Dear and honoured Mother, — We had thy acceptable 
letter of the lGth of the last month, and were refreshed, as 
usual, at the receipt and reading of it ; blessing the Lord 
that thou art still continued to be a comfort to thy children, 
who I believe have no outward greater joy than to hear of 
thy health and welfare. 

"And now, dear mother, being lately given to under- 
stand by thy letter to brother and sister Meade, about 
cousin Nathaniel, their son, that thou wast in some exercise 
upon that account, I was somewhat concerned to desire 
thee not to let in any trouble to thy mind about that matter ; 
for I hope all will come out well at last, for I know in part 
the great care and diligence they have used to have him 
preserved in a sense of Truth, and out of the pollution of 
this world, which I and many more that know him are 
satisfied he is clear and clean from ; but so it has happened 
that he, being of an active mind, could not content him- 
self without some business and diversion, more than the 
country life with his father and mother, did afford. So 
their care and great concern was to fit him with what 
might be most suitable to his condition and inclination, 
which they were endeavouring about for a considerable 
time ; but nothing that was suitable presenting, they gave 
him a diversion into Holland, of which thou hast been 
informed : at his return the matter of business and employ- 
ment again entered into his consideration, and he could 
not be satisfied with any arguments to dissuade him from 
it, nor could be persuaded to accept of a country life with 
his father and mother ; which, if I know their mind [as I 
think I do], they desired. The matter being brought to 
this issue, it was left to his choice what emplojonent to 
take to, and he chose the law ; which I do not see is intended 
as though he should be a practitioner in it, or make a 



430 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR. IIALL, 

pecuniary advantage of it, for there is no need of that, but 
to advance him in the knowledge of that so necessary to 
be known, and to divert him for a season out of the way 
of other company not to his advantage, who seemed to 
wait for acquaintance with him. All things considered, 
there does not seem much more that could have been done 
on the parents' parts, whom I know he is as dear to, as the 
apple of their eye, and they are daily attending him for 
his good, having placed him in an apartment next to a 
kinsman and counsellor, who hath the character of a very 
sober and honest man; and I am satisfied, from what I 
know of him, he would rather be a help to him than a 
hindrance. So the issue must be left to the Lord, in whose 
power it only is, to make our children such as He would 
have them be. I write this that thou mayst be satisfied in 
my brother and sister's care in this business, and that 
according to my sense they have not done anything on 
their parts that may be occasion of trouble either to thee, 
who I know art greatly concerned for cousin Nathaniel, nor 
any other that have respect for him. So with mine and 
my wiie's dut} r to thee, and love to our sisters and relations, 
with thee, I rest, 

" Thy affectionate and loving son, 

" Wm. Ingram."* 

The letter which follows develops more of Mary Lower's 
maternal interests and family history than any other I have 
seen. Some of its details fix the year in which it was 
written as 1701, though the original document gives only 
the clay and the month. 

Mary Lower to her Mother. 

" The 2nd day of the, 3rd month [1701]. 

" Dear and honoured Mother,— It hath been in my mind 
to write to thee this great while, but my husband writing 

* From tlie original in tlie Abraham Collection, 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 431 

sometimes and my brother Abraham constantly, I thought 
nry writing would not be so needful. We have been concerned 
for the bodily weakness that hath attended thee of late. 
But the Lord hath preserved thee over the heads of thy 
opposers many a time, and my secret belief hath been, ever 
since I heard of thy illness, that He would strengthen thee 
to see these opposers all brought to confusion and shame. 
" I was much comforted to see thy concern for dear 
Richard's* preservation in the Truth, which is the chief 
thing our regard ought to be to ; and I am sure it is in both 
onr minds more desired for him than great riches. I have 
been for a considerable time under much concern lest too 
long a stay in Holland might be a snare to him ; and I have 
been constrained to write to him many a letter with what 
opened in my heart as to the danger he was liable to, if he 
kept not the Lord always before his eyes ; and I bless His 
holy Name, I have received much comfort in his answers to 
my letters. He is diligent in his business and understands 
it pretty well, so that it is likely his master may not be will- 
ing to part with him. When he was sent for we heard but 
of two years, and we think at the end of two years and a half 
his father might recall him ; but if he do come home, he must 
be placed either with his master's brother or some other 
merchant until he be of age, which, if the Lord please to 
spare his life, will be at Michaelmas come twelve months. 
Till then he may be in London on better terms than where 
he is, seeing he can speak the French, Dutch, and Spanish 
languages, and understands the Dutch way of book-keeping. 
Many [in London] would be glad of him and give him his 
meat and other advantages, whereas we now pay for his diet, 
washing, and lodging, (yet very mean,) forty pounds a year 
beside other expenses. However, I earnestly desire the Lord 
may direct us what to do with him that may preserve him 
in the Truth, for I can truly say it is the chief thing I am 

* Mary Lower's only son. 



432 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

concerned about ; and although we have not abundance for 
him, yet if he fear the Lord, that is treasure enough. I have 
had it in m} r heart to desire thee to pray for his preservation, 
and that as the Lord hath made provision for his sisters that 
so he and they may live comfortably ; and I hope they will 
be kept in a sense of the Lord's goodness to the end of their 
days. 

" My daughter, Margery Robinson, I think is very well 
settled, and hath a very honest good man [for her husband] 
and one that is very sharp in business ; I am well satisfied 
that she may have more true comfort in her station now than 
she might have had in a higher one. So that I believe it 
was in love to her that the other was disappointed. My 
husband hath all read}', and will in the following week pay 
him £500 of her portion ; what more he gives her he takes a 
longer time for, but hath not fixed the sum, but he will give 
her above her other sisters ; and we have also laid out one 
hundred pounds for pewter and linen and other things ; for 
so we did for Loveday, and we paid £500 also in a month's 
time after she was married, although Benjamin Dicks ac- 
quainted her husband's relations, as we proved when he and 
his wife were last in town, that 'for all her greatness she 
had but one hundred and fifty pounds.' We cannot imagine 
what should make them be so envious against us, but most 
against Loveday, who behaves herself very inoffensively to 
them and to all, and hath the report of Friends and others 
of her obliging humble behaviour. I must say I know nothing 
to make them so much against my son and daughter Swan, 
but that they have the better report of all people ; for my 
son Swan is a ver3 r exact man to his word, dealings, and 
pa3 T ments ; and the other is far otherwise. Loveday doth 
not ' keep in her parlour' (as they say) but is a good country 
wife, and minds her husband's business in his absence. She 
makes an excellent nurse, and her child is a strong lusty for- 
ward child. 

" Benjamin Robinson settles two hundred pounds yearly 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 433 

upon Margery, in houses, groundrents and freehold. For 
aught I know Mary is to be married erelong : when he returns 
we can say more, and then may let thee know [more exactly]. 
We are providing £500 for Mary also. Our children goeth 
pretty fast from us one after another, which puts us a little 
to it, but we do as well as we can ; and if our tinworks be not 
hindered by the course of the war, which makes tin fall, we 
shall soon be in a way to help our son also. We have them 
[B. and M. Robinson] with us yet, and I suppose it will be 
near Whitsuntide before their house can be ready. For goods 
to furnish the house with, my daughter will make the furni- 
ture his grandfather left him do, which are good things 
although not fashionable. But Margery is very prudent, and 
will keep out of the extravagance that so many goeth into. 
" I had great expei'ience of the goodness of the Lord to 
me and Loveday in her great exercise and peril lately, 
which I desire never to forget. We had a very good 
sensible letter from our son Richard Lower last Fourth-day, 
which we were glad of. My brother and sister Meade come 
to town once in two weeks mostly, and go to see their son 
at the Temple pretty often. But the hazard of his con- 
tinuing there I think they apprehend not so well as they 
might. My son and daughter Robinson intend to write 
to thee, with brother Abraham ; and Mary and her friend 
think of writing also to thee, on his return out of Wiltshire.* 
Benjamin, and Margery, and Maiy, and Bridget, all re- 
member their dear love and duty to thee ; and our dear 
love to my sister and cousin, whom I heartily wish had 
come to London with his father. We are very glad of our 
dear brother's company ; but he is scarce ever with us at 
victuals — he is no trouble in the family, nor Robert Lawson 
neither. I would rather have them both than want them, 
for they are very good company for my husband in the 



* Mary's friend above alluded to was Wm, Arch, to whom she 
was married in 1701. 



434 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

evenings, and we have room enough in this house. My 
sister Rous is also with us, and I think she is pleased with 
her lodgings ; her love and duty are to thee and dear love 
to sister and cousin. 

" Desiring thy prayers for us, I conclude thy dearly 
loving and dutiful daughter, 

" Mary Lower."* 

The next document is a very remarkable one ; not only is 
it the last from Margaret Fox's pen, but its declarations 
and tone show that, though at such an advanced age, her 
mental and spiritual energies were still bright and vigorous. 
Of the circumstances that drew it forth there is no record. 
But from George Whitehead's letter and what Mary Lower 
sa}-s in the opening of hers about " opposers," as well as 
from the tenor of the document itself, it is evident that 
there had arisen among the Friends some narrow, fault- 
finding, dividing spirits, which were giving trouble to the 
right-minded portion of the Society on various points. 

" Margaret Fox's Revival of her Testimony." 

" To God Almighty I appeal, whom I serve with my 
spirit in the Gospel of His Son ; whose I am, and to whom 
I am given up with mine heart and soul to serve, who hath 
been my Father and leader ever since I knew Him ; who 
hath led me through many trials, sufferings, and exercises 
that were cross to flesh and blood ; who hath upheld and 
supported me therein down to this day. And now in mine 
old age I am forced to renew my testimony again, through 
a false, lying spirit gotten up amongst us to oppose and 
withstand our gracious, blessed Truth, in the which we 
were begotten, and in the which we who are presetted out 
of this spirit do stand in that blessed unity of the eternal 
Spirit, which joineth up to the Lord, and one to another. 

* From the original in the Thirnbeck Collection. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 435 

" But an imagining, false, and untrue spirit, hath gotten 
into some, by which they are deluded, and will not see or 
apprehend, by any means used to give them satisfaction. 
Yet fbr the satisfaction of friends and others I give this my 
testimony, while I breathe upon the earth, that I shall stand 
for God and Truth. He hath taught me to render to all 
men what is their due, and not to owe anj'thing to any but 
love. In that which is righteous and just, God hath taught 
us and manifested His will. And He commands that we 
should render to Caesar the things that are Ceesar's,and to 
God the things that are God's ; which I shall b} 7 His holy 
assistance and power endeavour to fulfil both to God and 
man. This I am moved of the Lord to acquaint all with, 
whilst I have breath and being upon the earth. 

" Given under my hand this 24th daj T of the 9th month, 
Anno Domini, 1T01. 

"Margaret Fox."* 

The closing scene was not far distant when the above 
was written. A few more months, and the earthly tene- 
ment of that servant of God was laid prostrate ; with a 
sense in her soul that her daj*s in this world were nearly 
numbered. No cloud obscured her spiritual vision, no 
weight lay on her conscience. Her soul rejoiced, as encom- 
passed b} r Divine love she exclaimed, " Oh, my sweet Lord, 
into thy holy bosom do I commit myself." " Come, Oh, 
come Lord Jesus ! I am freely given up to thy will." To 
her grandson, John Abraham, she said, " John, the Lord 
loves thee, and will love thee for my sake. My tears and 
my prayers for thee that I have put up many times have 
been seen and heard." 

As the last moment drew near, she asked her beloved 
daughter Rachel to take her in her arms, and then saying, 
" I am in peace," gently breathed her last. 

Thus lived and died the great-grand-claughter of the 

* Copied and furnished by Hannah Thorp, of Halifax. 



436 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

martyr Anne Askew, on the 23rd day of the 2nd month 
(O.S.), 1102, in the 88th year of her age. 

Her remains were interred in the Friends' burial ground 
belonging to Swarthmoor Meeting-house, at Sunbreck, on 
the 21th of the same month, amid a great concourse of 
Friends from several counties around, and of the neigh- 
bouring gentry and peasantry. 

The character of this faithful servant of the Lord, this 
truly devoted mother, both in His Church and in her own 
family, has been so clearly delineated in letters and other 
preceding details, that any further enlargement seems 
needless here. I shall therefore close with the compre- 
hensive words of her contemporary and personal friend, 
Thomas Camm, who, in speaking of her spiritual bright- 
ness says, " She shone as a morning star, and was filled 
with wisdom and true understanding for the propagation 
of righteousness on the earth." " They that be wise shall 
shine as the firmament, and they that turn many to right- 
eousness as the stars for ever and ever." (Daniel xii. 3.) 



CHAPTER XXX. 






Descendants op the Fells op Swarthjioor Hall — Con- 
cluding Remakes on the Society of Friends. 

Margaret, the eldest daughter of Thomas and Margaret 
Fell, has had all that can be discovered of her family 
history traced in Chapter XVIII. She was married to 
John Rous, in 1661, and died in 1106, aged 13. The 
number at present living of the descendants of John and 
Margaret Rous, appears to be reduced to one individual — 
Henry Hoy land — an elderly gentleman residing in Ireland, 
who is a member of the Society of Friends. 

Bridget, the second daughter, who was married to John 
Draper, at Hedlam, Durham, in 1662, left no children. No 
record of her death has been discovered. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 437 

George, the only son, and the heir to the family estate 
of Hawks-well, seems to have been married about 1668. 
He died between 1670 and '73, leaving two children ; a son 
named Charles, and a daughter Isabella, who was married 
to James Graves, but of her descendants nothing is known. 
Charles, on coming of age, sold the Hawkswell estate to 
his uncle, Daniel Abraham. He was married to a Kentish 
lady, the daughter of John Brown, Esq., of Spelmonden. 
From incidental remarks in family letters, he appears to 
have resided in or near London, and to have lived so fast 
that but little remained for his widow ; which is evident 
from her having felt the necessity of taking in needle- 
work. She was said to have been an accomplished lady, 
and possessed considerable vigour and amiability of char- 
acter. Her husband died early, leaving her a } T Oung widow, 
with an only son, also named Charles. The society into 
which this branch of the family was launched, carried it 
far apart from the Quaker descendants ; but still they 
claimed for some time the title of the " Fells of Swarth- 
moor Hall." Eventually Charles Fell's widow was married 
to Robert "Wilkes, a celebrated actor, and one of the 
patentees of the King's theatre. But her son sought a 
wife in a family whose ancestors, like his own, belonged 
to the Society of Friends. He was married to Gulielma 
Maria Penn, only daughter of William and Guli Penn's 
son William. She was one of those little grandchildren 
whom Penn's biographer tells us used so much to amuse 
the declining 3-ears of the Pennsylvanian legislator with 
their playful romps at Roscombe. Respecting the children 
of this union, I can only hear of Robert Edward Fell, 
who, in the year 1756, was promoted to a captaincy of 
marines. Afterwards he became a lieutenant-colonel in the 
army, under which title he lodged a pedigree in the 
Herald's Office, and procured a confirmation of arms in 
the year 1770 ; he was then described as Robert Edward 
Fell, of St. Martin's in the Fields, Middlesex. His will, 



438 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

■which is in the Court of Canterbury, was proved on the 
28th of February, 1787, by Thomas Brookholding, his sole 
executor, and the husband of his niece Philadelphia. 
There is no evidence of his having been a married man ; 
but in his will he leaves his sword and pistols to his 
nephew, William Hawkins Newcombe. And that niece 
Philadelphia, whose husband was his executor, no doubt 
was named after her maternal ancestor's city of brotherly 
love. It is only through this nephew and niece being 
named, that any trace of other descendants of Charles 
Fell is manifested. Robert Edward Fell's will gives the 
last evidence I can discover of descent through the male 
line from the Swarthmoor Fells. 

Isabel, the third daughter, in the summer of 1664, was 
married to William Yeamans, a Bristol merchant, son of 
Robert Yeamans, Sheriff of Bristol, who was hanged for 
his loyal politics, at his father-in-law's door, early in the 
civil w r ar. . They had several children, who died in infancy. 
William Yeamans himself died in 1674, aged about 36. 
Their last son, William, died at his uncle Meade's, in 
Essex, in 1697, aged 28 years. Isabel was married a second 
time in 1689, to Abraham Morrice, of Lincoln. She died 
in 1704 ; her husband died one year subsequently. 

Sarah, the fourth daughter, was married to William 
Meade in 1681. She died in 1714, at Gooseyes, in Essex, 
aged 71. Her husband died the preceding j'-ear, 1713, aged 
86. William Meade's will, recently procured from the 
Prerogative Court of Canterburj', contains the following 
items : — 

" I give to my dear wife, Sarah Meade, one hundred 
pounds, for her to distribute amongst the poor of the 
people called Quakers, as she shall see cause. Item, I give 
to my dear son, Nathaniel Meade, one hundred pounds, and 
I do hereby order him to keep the same in his hands, 
paying five pounds per cent, per annum interest for the 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 439 

same to the meeting of the people called Quakers, at 
Barking, in Essex, for the use of the poor of that parish 
of the people called Quakers belonging to that meeting, 
until the said one hundred pounds can be placed out upon 
good security, according to my said son's good liking. 
Item, I give to my said dear son, Nathaniel Meade, two 
hundred pounds for him to give to such charitable use, or 
to such hospitals, as he shall think fit. Item, I give to the 
Overseers of the Poor of Ilarrold's Wood Ward, and 
Havering Ward, in the Parish of Hornchurch, in the County 
of Essex, ten pounds to each ward, to be distributed to 
the poor therein." 

William Meade was first mentioned in the foregoing- 
pages in a letter written in 1GT0, on the occasion of Wm. 
Penn's and his imprisonment. lie is there spoken of as one 
who had recently joined Friends. He belonged to a family 
in Essex of considerable landed property and influence. 
He had a house in London as well as a country residence. 
On the occasion of his proving the handwriting of George 
Fox in his will, he is styled " citizen, and merchant tailor," 
but that is understood merely with reference to the city 
guild of which he was a member. The estate and mansion 
of Gooseyes, situated nearBomford, in Essex, was purchased 
by William Meade from Lord Dudley and Ward, about the 
year 1670. Goose} T es is a manor in the liberty of Havering, 
and the house belonging to it being rebuilt by Lord Dudley 
was formerly a mansion of considerable consequence, but 
most of it has been pulled down, and the residue turned 
into a farm-house. The meeting-house and burial ground 
at Barking, about six or seven miles from Gooseyes, is said 
to be on property that belonged to the Meade family, and 
that the title of the lessee was purchased by Friends in the 
3 T ear 1672, and the meeting-house erected at William 
Meade's expense. Nathaniel Meade, not being satisfied 
with the life of a country gentleman, and wishing to study 
for the law, as stated in a foregoing letter to his grand- 



440 THE TELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

mother, his parents yielded to his desire, and he entered 
the Temple as a student a month after the date of the above- 
mentioned letter, as is manifest by the following record : — 

"August 13th, 1700. Mr. Nathaniel Meade, son and 
heir apparent of William Meade, of Gooseyes, in the county 
of Essex, Esq., was admitted into the Society of the Middle 
Temple, and is specially bound up in company with it. 
And gives by fine £4 Os. Od." 

At that time he was sixteen years of age. At the time 
of his father's death, in 1113, he was twenty-nine, in the 
hey-day of prosperity, heir to a handsome estate, and a 
rising barrister possessed of considerable talent. After 
his mother's death in IT 14, he erected a small vault in the 
centre of the Friends' burial ground at Barking, where the 
remains of his parents were laid side by side, and a plain 
headstone placed, with the following inscription : — 

"Here lyetli the Body 

Of William Meade 
Esq. who departed this life 
The 3rd day of April 1713 in 
The 86th year of h's age. 

And also Mrs. Sarah Meade 
Who died the 9th of June 1714 in 
The 71st year of her age." 

After that nothing of Nathaniel Meade's history has been 
traced, save that he pursued his profession successfully, 
became Serjeant-at-law, eventually was knighted, and died 
in the year 1760. His death is thus recorded in the 
" London Chronicle"* of April 17th— 19th, 1760 :— 

" On Tuesday morning last, died at his house in Litch- 
field Street, near Newport Market, very much advanced in 

- The "London Chronicle," in the British Museum. 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 441 

years, Sir Nathaniel Meade, Knight ; a gentleman uni- 
versally respected." 

His age was 76. Of his descendants, if he left any, no 
trace has been discovered, nor can his "will be found. 

Sir Xathaniel Meade sold the Goosej'es estate to William 
Sheldon, who afterwards sold it to Sir Thomas Xeave, 
Baronet, and it is now the property of his son, Sir Richard 
Digby Xeave, Bart. 

Mary, the fifth daughter, "was married to Thomas Lower, 
M.D., in 1668, and died in 1719, aged seventy-five. Her 
husband died the following year, aged eighty-eight. They 
had ten children ; but only five of them were living when 
Hilary Lower wrote to her mother in 1701 (see page 430.) 
Those were, 1st, Margery, born 1675, married to Benjamin 
Robinson, of London, in 1700; 2nd, Loveday, born 1677, 
married to William Swan, of Halstead, Essex, in 1690 ; 3rd, 
Mary, born 1678, married to William Arch, in 1701. The 
Arches of Cornhill, the celebrated publishers, were their 
descendants. There are now only two representatives of the 
Arch family living — Caroline Benson, and her son William 
Benson, both of Manchester. 4th, Richard, born 1682, 
died 1705, aged twenty-three ; 5th, Bridget, born 1688, 
married to Evan Ward, goldsmith, of Lombard-street, 
.London. Of the descendants of Thomas and Mary Lower, 
I know of none now living save Caroline' Benson and her 
son. Of the descendants of the Swans, Thomas Lower's 
grandsons, whom he intended should inherit his property 
in America, nothing is known. 

Susanna, the sixth daughter, who was married to 
William Ingram, left no children; date of her death 
unknown. Her husband died 1706, and she was then 
living. 

Rachel, the seventh daughter, was born 1653, married to 
Daniel Abraham, 1682, and died 1732, aged seventy-nine. 
Her husband died the previous year, aged sixt} T -nine. They 
left but one child, John Abraham, born 1687 ; and from him 



442 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

nineteen-twcntieths of the living representatives of Thomas 
and Margaret Fell are descended. He was the grandson 
whom his dying grandmother so ardently blessed, saying 
that she. felt assured the Lord had heard her pi\ayers on his 
behalf, and would bless him ; he was then fifteen years of 
ago. Ten years after his grandmother's death, when he 
was about twenty-five, he had a very serious illness, which 
is remarked on in the following letter from his mother: — 

Rachel Abraham to her son John Abraham. 

" Swarthmoor, the 24th of 1st month, 1712. 
My dear Son, — Thy dear and most acceptable letter, with 
my dear sister Lowcr'Sj I most gladly received last Seventh- 
day ; for which we, with our whole hearts, blessed the Lord, 
that he is pleased, in measure, to restore thee to some 
health, which I trust in His own time He may perfect, to 
our hearty thankfulness and unspeakable full joy, and I 
very much desire, if it be our most merciful Lord's will to 
enable thee to come home. Thy father is very willing to 
go to accompany thee, which will be much to my satisfac- 
tion. I have been, and am still under daily trouble and 
exercises concerning thee, be} r ond what I can express, not 
but that I am well assured of nry most dear and worthy 
brother and sister Lower, with cousin Ward's great care,, 
tenderness, and abundant respect, every way to thee, and 
helpfulness, through the Lord's great mere}^ beyond what 
we could have done ; yet I have a great desire, if it may be 
the Lord's will to strengthen and enable thee to come home, 
hoping this air might be more suitable for thy health, and 
to recover thy strength. As to thy improvement in 
speaking, I would not have us too much to think of that, I 
am not doubtful but in that respect it will be well, to all 
our satisfaction, and be not in the least careful of any 
charge, or expense, any way that may tend to thy occasions, 
or advantage, upon any account. If it were never so much, 
it will not be thought too much if it were all that we have ; 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 443 

for I desire nothing in this world more, if the Lord be so 
gracious to us as to give thee health and strength again. 
My most dear and entire love to thee, begging thee to write 
every post. My dearest love and truest respects to my 
dearest brother and sister Lower, and to my dear cousins 
the "Wards. Thy father's true love is dearly to thee ; thou 
art much in our remembrance beyond what I can mention. 
" From thy affectionate mother, 

" R. A. 
" To Jo n . Abraham, 
at Doc r . Lower's, 

in London. 
" (I\ S.) Dear son, be not sparing of charge in any respect 
I desire thee."* 

What a true mother's letter ! The earnest prayer of the 
affectionate heart it came from was answered. John recovered 
perfectly ; and both father and mother lived to see him 
happily married, in 1122, to Sarah Foster, daughter of 
Thomas Foster, of Hawthorne. 

All of John and Sarah Abraham's children were born at 
Swarthmoor Hall. But in 1159 they sold the Hall and 
Swarthmoor estate, and removed to Seaton, near Lancaster, 
retaining only the Osrnotherly propeiiry which had belonged 
to the Fells for many generations, f At Seaton, John 
Abraham died in 1711, aged eighty-four ; his wife died in 
1777, aged seventy-six. Two sons and five daughters sur- 
vived them. Of these only three, Thomas, Margaret, and 
Mary, had families. Thomas inherited the Osrnotherly 
property, and Margaret, the eldest of the sisters, was mar- 

* From the original in the Abraham Collection. 

f The immediate pressure which led to the sale of Swarthmoor 
Hall estate is understood to have arisen out of unsuccessful mining 
operations engaged in either by father or son, probably the latter. 
But, previous to that event the enormous persecuting exactions and 
seizures cf property at Swarthmoor had considerably reduced the 
pecuniary means of the family. 



444 THE FELLS OF SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

ried to Ebenezer Mellor, of Manchester. (The family history 
of this brother and sister shall be dwelt on with more detail 
hereafter.) Marjr, the youngest of the three, was married, 
in 1756, to Charles Canon, of Manchester, who emigrated 
with his wife and three children to Philadelphia in 1*762. 
Of their descendants nothing is known. Robert, the 
unmarried brother, settled in Virginia. Of the other three 
sisters, Rachel, Alice, and Hannah, one only was married, 
and she left no children. 

Thomas Abraham, who inherited the residue of the landed 
property of the family, was born at Swarthmoor Hall, in 
1723, and he afterwards settled in Whitehaven as a merchant 
With his brother Robert, of Virginia, he engaged in the 
import of tobacco, then a monopoly, in certain ports, of 
which Whitehaven was one. This business they pursued 
for many years, but eventually with such ill success, to 
Thomas Abraham, that not only the remains of his paternal 
inheritance, but his wife's fortune, which was considerable, 
was also swallowed up. He had been married, in 1*749, to 
Ellen, daughter and co-heiress of Henry Clare, of Martin's 
Croft, near Poulton. He and his family ultimately settled 
at Penrith, where he died in 17*78, aged 55. His wife out- 
lived him nearly thirty j^ears. Thomas and Ellen Abraham 
w r ere both interred in Friends' burial-ground at Penrith, in 
Cumberland. They had twelve children— five sons and seven 
daughters; four of the sons, John, Robert, Thomas, and 
Henry Clare, were married, and three of the daughters, 
Catherine, Sarah, and Ellen. Henry Clare died without 
leaving children. 

Sarah Abraham was married to John Thirnbeck, of 
Bristol, in 1790; she died in 1799, leaving two daughters — 
Mary and Ellen. The latter was married to James Grace 
in 1824. Of John and Sarah Thirnbeck's descendants there 
are now living ten individuals. 

Ellen Abraham was married to Richard Cockin, of Ron- 
caster, in 1799. Hannah Thorp, wife of Joseph Thorp of 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 445 

Halifax, and Ellen Miller, first wife of "William Miller of 
Edinburgh, were Richard and Ellen Cochin's daughters. 
There are five individuals now living who are descendants 
of Ellen Cockin. 

John, the eldest son of Thomas and Ellen Abraham, born 
1750, married Sarah Ware, and settled in London, where he 
died in 1800. His only son, Henry, went out to India, and 
never returned. Two of his daughters also went to India, 
one who was married to Colonel Bowler, the other to James 
Staveley, a barrister of a Lancashire family. Another 
daughter, Ellen Clare, was married to Doctor Clarke, and 
after his death, settled in Exeter. 

Robert Abraham, born 1766, married in Marylebone, 1794, 
Ann Isabella Robinson. He died in London, 1813, his 
widow in 1845. They had one son, Henry Clare Abraham 
and two daughters who were married, and two unmarried 
daughters. The son died in New York without leaving heirs. 
One of the daughters was married to a Roman Catholic 
gentleman, W m . Nicholas Gardiner, and of their descendants 
there are five individuals living. 

Thomas Abraham, fourth son of Thomas and Ellen 
Abraham, was born at Seaton, in 1771, and married in 
Penrith parish church, 1803, to Orpah Clarke, daughter of 
James Clarke, author of " Survey of the Lakes." Thomas 
Abraham died at Carlisle, 1861, aged 91. His eldest son, 
Robert, died at Montreal in 1854, leaving a widow but no 
children. Those of Thomas Abraham's family now living 
are John Abraham, chemist, of Bold-street, Liverpool, and 
his sister Margaret, who was married in 1819 to Charles 
John English, a Liverpool merchant. They have seven 
children. 

John Abraham, son of the second Thomas Abraham, 
was married to Maria Hayes Tyerman, at Liverpool, 1844. 
They had two. sons and two daughters. This family con- 
tains the only descendants now living of Daniel and 



446 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 

Rachel Abraham of Swarthmoor Hall, who retain the 
name of Abraham. 

We now return to trace the descendants of Margaret 
Abraham, daughter of John and Sarah Abraham, who was 
born at Swarthmoor Hall in 1120. She was married in 
1748, to Ebenezer Mellor, son of Samuel and Lydia Mellor, 
of Manchester. Eventually, Ebenezer Mellor and his wife 
removed to Edenderiy, Ireland, where she died in 1113, 
and her husband in HIT. They had several children, all 
born in Manchester, some of whom died young; John, 
their only son who attained to years of manhood, died in 
Barbadoes, unmarried. Their two surviving daughters, 
Lydia and Mary, were both married, the latter in Dublin, 
1792, to James Kathrens. He did not live long ; they had 
a daughter, Mary, who was married to A. Mofflt, and had 
several children, who with their parents, all emigrated to 
America ; and of them nothing further is known. 

Lydia Mellor, who was born in Manchester, 1749, was 
married in Dublin, 1119, to Abraham, son of Richard and 
Elizabeth Shackleton, of Ballytore, Co. Kilclare. He died 
at Ballytore, 1818, aged sixty-six; his widow in 1829, aged 
eight}'. They left three sons and two daughters, Richard, 
Ebenezer, George, Elizabeth, and Mary. Of these only 
George and Mary survive. Richard died at Ballytore in 
1860, leaving no children. Ebenezer, who was married to 
Ellen, daughter of Dr. Bell, died in 1856 ; and of his chil- 
dren there are five sons and two daughters living ; also 
several grandchildren. George, the youngest of the three 
brothers, was married to Hannah, daughter of Joseph 
Fisher of Limerick, a descendant of William Edmundson, 
whose letters to Margaret Fell have been quoted in the 
foregoing pages. Of their children there are living four 
sons and seven daughters ; also several grandchildren. 
There are in all thirtj^-two descendants of Abraham and 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 441 

Ly dia Shackleton now living, of whom some are iu England, 
most in Ireland, and one family in America. 

Most of the families descended from the Fells of Swarth- 
moor Hall have some old ancestral letters in their pos- 
session. But in addition to letters, the Shackletons of 
Ballytore have other family mementos, of these, the most 
remarkable is Margaret Fell's dressing case. It is large 
and the lid is handsomely inlaid, the whole being in perfect 
preservation ; and they have what must once have been a 
very beautiful knife and fork, which also belonged to their 
great progenitor, Margaret Fell. The handles are of clear 
agate, with silver mountings, and the whole not larger than 
our second-sized knife and fork. The Shackletons have 
also the remains of George Fox's tortoise-shell comb case, 
and they have a fan in excellent preservation, that belonged 
to one of the Swarthmoor sisters. 

The total number of the living descendants of Judge 
Fell, that can be spoken of with a certainty, amount to 
seventy -five. That there are others in America and else- 
where, whom we in this country know not of, there is good 
reason to believe. Of the known descendants it appears :— 

38 Belong to the Society of Friends. 

13 " to the Church of England. 

14 " to the Unitarians. 

5 " to the Independents. 
5 " to the Roman Catholics. 



15 



3T Beside in England. 
31 " in Ireland. 

5 " in America. 

2 " in Scotland, 

15 



448 THE FELLS OP SWARTHMOOR HALL, 



CONCLUDING REMARKS. 

In the foregoing pages, there has been placed before the 
reader, through the medium of a family history, a series of 
letters that spread over half a century — a half-century 
replete with great over-turnings, both in Church and 
State. 

Written as those letters were, in the openness and 
confidence of friendship, and many of them containing the 
free interchange of thought between the nearest relatives, 
they naturally manifest the real feelings and principles that 
actuated and sustained the writers through trials small 
and great, and through persecutions indescribable. It is 
true they belong to an age that was less marked by 
refinement than ours, and which was more remarkable, not 
only for its earnestness and it3 triumphs of principle, but 
for its intolerance. Yet it was an age never to be forgotten 
by those who can appreciate the importance of the period 
of transition between Papal domination and Christian 
liberty ; and I trust, they who can appreciate this impor- 
tance, will welcome the light which those original letters 
cast on the section of society to which they relate. Whilst 
in them, and through their preservation, a cord has been 
found which binds the family narrative together, they also 
serve to illustrate the religious fervour and devotedness of 
the writers, as well as, in a more general sense, to set forth 
the persecuting spirit of the times. The letters manifest 
throughout, that the one great endeavour of their authors, 
the master-spring of all their actions, was to do the will of 
God on earth; not merely to profess to believe in Christ, 
but also to prove their love and fealty to Him, by being 
ever on the watch to keep His commandments. 

The authority of man, which had to so large an extent 
usurped the authority of Christ in the Church, still held a 
sway unauthorised by the Gospel when Quakerism arose ; 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 449 

lifeless forms and ceremonies were still the objects of 
dependence with many ; and a lifeless faith prevailed widely 
with others whose creed was less ceremonious. Justification 
by faith in Christ, producing a reliance on His righteous- 
ness being imputed to man, was extensively held in such 
form, that, amid a life of disobedience to God, it brought 
neverthelesss an assurance of salvation. To arouse a 
sleeping world from that false securitj', and to point it to 
the sanctifying power, and the guidance, and teaching of 
the Spirit of Christ in the heart, was the great mission of 
the early Friends. What they pressed on their hearers, 
as William Penn says, " was not notion but experience, 
not formality but goodliness." 

It seems to be a common experience in the history of 
the Church, that neglect of an essential doctrine on one 
hand, leads to its extreme prominence when reaction sets 
in. In accordance with that common experience, it is clear 
to many, that ultimately the Friends went so far in the 
one direction, as unconsciously to put the Gospel view of 
justification by faith too much in the background ; but it 
must be admitted, that the early Quaker pioneers, whilst 
they dwelt with especial force on sanctification of heart 
and life as essential to the true followers of Christ, stren- 
uously repelled every charge of not duly regarding justifi- 
cation by faith. 

Whatever may have been the state of the case with them, 
it seems evident that their successors of last century gave 
a less conspicuous place to that great fundamental doctrine, 
justification by faith as laid clown by the Lord Jesus him- 
self, than was good for the health and the growth of their 
church; but in the present day, so many enlightened 
Friends have seen and acknowledge this defect, that we 
need not fear its perpetuity. 

That there is a diversity of religious experience on sev- 
eral points among good Christians is certain ; " differences 



450 THE FELLS OF SWARTIIMOOR HALL, 

of administration, but the same Lord ; diversities of opera- 
tion, but it is the same God which worketh all in all." If 
that diversit} T of operation, mentioned by the Apostle Paul, 
were more commonly recognized, we would not have so 
much measuring the religious experiences of others by our 
own, and judging them to be genuine or not according to 
their correspondence therewith. That the teaching of 
Jesus warrants the belief that the sinner who in sincerity 
wishes to forsake his sins, and in heart seeks to the Lord 
for forgiveness and for aid, will be freely pardoned all past 
transgression, and through grace admitted to the privileges 
of a child of God, is too clearly declared by the Lord him- 
self to leave room for doubt ; but the full individual con- 
sciousness of that forgiveness and admission, not being 
made known so immediately to some Christians as to 
others, constitutes one of the diversities of spiritual 
operations. It appears to me that, in our own day, the 
want of a clear recognition of these " differences of ad- 
ministration" has led to much needless doubt and discus- 
sion, both among Friends and other Christians. 

The Society of Friends in America has gone on largely 
increasing, but in the British Islands it is a much smaller 
body now than at the period to which the foregoing history 
relates ; and it must also be acknowledged that we see not 
now evidence of such general zeal and devotedness as 
marked its early clays. Nevertheless there have been of 
late cheering indications of renewed spiritual life in many 
places ; and the substantial fruits of the Christian con- 
science have ever been visible among them. The assistance 
given by Friends to the cause of the distressed and the 
oppressed throughout the world, has always been large in 
proportion to their numbers and their means ; doubtless 
this has, in great degree, resulted from the constraining 
influence of Christian love as well as that of conscience and 
education. Such service is still needed : and there is also 



AND THEIR FRIENDS. 451 

a great need for a testimony to be born, like that which 
their forefathers upheld, to the simplicity and spirituality 
of the Truth as declared by Jesus. The present is a time 
for scrutiny ; but no time for faltering among Friends, or 
for turning aside from that which has produced so much 
good fruit. Both the Church and the world require them, 
require their aid and their example ; and so long as they 
continue to bring forth the peaceable fruits of righteousness, 
we may be assured they are not likely to lose a position in 
Christendom. It is when the tree becomes unfruitful that 
the Lord of the vineyard says, " Cut it down, why 
cumbereth it the ground ?" 



APPENDIX. 



Derivation of the name SwARTmrooR. 
From a manuscript by the late Robert Abraham, of Montreal. 

The name of Swarthmoor has been attributed by Bisbop Gibson, 
one of the commentators on Camden, and afterwards by almost all 
the writers on the history of Furness, to Swartz the Flemish General, 
who was sent by Margaret of Burgundy to assert the cause of the 
House of York against the title of Henry the Seventh. He landed 
at P.le of Fondre, and was said to have given his nama to the moor 
on which he mustered his forces. But the supposition is altogether 
gratuitous, and can be shown to be erroneous. In Domesday Book 
the place is styled "Wartz," and in another ancient document 
"Wart;" both probably the Anglo-Norman style of spelling the 
Saxon "Worth" or "Wark," meaning a house or enclosed strong- 
hold (curtis sive habitatio, Spelman), and which enters into a very 
great number of names of Saxon origin. 

The style and importance of the house and demesne in the early 
part of ths seventeenth century might lead to the supposition that it 
had been an ancient manorial residence of some considerable family. 
But not only do a variety of circumstances, including the negative 
evidence of the silence of local history respecting it, establish the im- 
probability of the supposition, but it can be shown from the histo y 
of the Manor cf Fivers', one that it is a parcel of that Manor, and that 
there never was any such Manor of Swarthmoor, or Manorial family. 
And bes'des, a Schedule of the date of 1746 in the handwriting of 
John Abraham, the last person who possessed it in anything like 
entirety, shows that it was not by him deemed to be a Manor ; and 
further, it can be shown from other sources (West, p. 96), that he 
himself possessed the Manor of Flverstone by a dist net title, and 
not as any part of the Swarthmoor inheritance. Though no docu- 
ment has yet Leen publ'shed to show how this extensive p operty 
(453) 



454 APPENDIX. 

became combined into one estate, and acquired by the family of Fell, 
there is not much room left for conjecture in that respect. From a 
careful inspection of the muniments of the Abbey of Furness and 
the Priory of Conishead, comparing the descriptions in the ancient 
grants with the boundaries of this estate, it will appear very clearly 
that Swarthmoor consisted of the eastern portion of the demesne of 
the Priory, with certain outlying dependencies (in particular the Mills 
in Ulverstone) of the Abbey. At the dissolution, the temporalities 
of those institutions were granted out by the Crown, and passed 
through many descents and al'enations to their present possessors. 
Hence, it is clear that the estate must have been formed by purchases 
of lands held by distinct titles, from those grantees, and that a house 
suitable to the newly constructed property was built shortly after 
the Reformation by the Fells or their predecessors. This hypothesis 
agrees with all the circumstances, and accounts for the absence of 
any ancient history of the Hall and of its possessors. The estate 
thus formed was certainly one of the most considerable, and the 
family, whatever their origin, one of the most wealthy in Furness. 



Fell, of Swarthmoor. 



Extracted from a manuscript written by the lite Robert Abraham, 
a descendant of the Fell family. 

Though, from various incidental references to him in the records 
of the day, and the very extensive landed property he possessed at 
the time of the breaking out of the civil wars, Mr. Fell appears to 
have been a person of considerable distinction and influence, we have 
been unable to find any materials for constructing any connected 
account of his life, or for tracing his descent further back than the 
century in which he lived. The difficulty of such researches is 
known to all who have been engaged in them, and the difficult'es in 
this case are in some degree peculiar. Mr. Fell lived at a time too 
remote for private family records to be of much aid, and the breaking 
up of the feudal system, with the rarity of heralds' vsitations, and 
of inquisitions post mortem, and the general destruct'on and dispersal 
of records which followed the Reformation and which the civil wars 
completed, make the tracing of pedigrees through the latter half of 
the sixteenth century and the beginning of the seventeenth pecu- 



APPENDIX. 455 

liarly laborious and doubt ul. We bavc arrived, however, satis- 
factorily to the conclusion that Mr. Fell was of an ancient family of 
what are locally called in the district of Furness " Free homagers," 
analogous to what were anciently called in other parts of the kingdom 
Franklins and Yeomen, the former appellation being derived from 
personal freedom, as distinguishing them from the villeins or tenants 
by base tenure, which was the condition of the majority of the lural 
population ; and the latter from their possession of land, which distin- 
guished them from the merchants and free burghers. Their tenure 
was frank soccage, the nearest equivalent in the feudal system intro- 
duced by the Normans to the Saxon frank tenement, in which each 
man held his land as of personal right, owing to his sovereign and 
the slate the duties of a citizen, whether in battle or council. This 
is the principle en which all our modern liberties are based, and 
which has gradually in our laws and customs emerged from the 
oppression of the Norman conquest and the system of graduated 
personal dependence which followed it, and which, finally, by the late 
acts ftr the compulsory commutation of copyhold and customary 
tenancies, promises very speedily, after the lapse of so many cen- 
turies, again to establish all the land of the kingdom in the frank 
tenement and frank almoigne in which the Normans found it. 

These free homagers were therefore tenants in frank soccage of 
the barony of Dalton, owing to the Abbot of Furness, as Lord of 
the seignory, free sendee, neither base service, nor knight service, 
following his banner in war and attsnding his courts on view of 
frank pledge. Though not assuming coat armour nor holding in 
capite, they were often of as great respectability and opulence as 
the petty lords of the mesne tenures. But not being of gentle rank 
nor allying with the gent y, their pedigrees and alliances are not on 
record, and could only have been gleaned from the Court rolls, 
which are now mostly dispersed or lost. Not owing wardship and 
relief to the Crown, which were incidental to knight's service, their 
names are not to be found in the inquisitions which are held on Ihe 
death of tenants in capite, and from which the pedigrees of the 
gentry are mostly compiled, and of which thirty thousand are 
extant relating to Lancashire alone. The name of free homagers 
clearly indicates their pos'tion. Homage, the meaning of which, 
like that of villein, felon, yeoman, and many other ancient words, 
is very much debased, is derived from "homme" a man, and was 
applied to the military duty of a man, and his acknowledgment of 
it when coming of age and receiving livery of his lands. The term 
free homagers therefore literally meant the free manhood of Furness, 



456 APPENDIX. 

as distinguished from the gentry and their dependents. There can 
be no doubt that these free homagers, franklins, and yeomen, of 
whose number, spirit, and intelligence, England has always been 
justly proud, were the remains of the ancient Saxon landed pro- 
prietory who had escaped the full infliction of the feudal obligafons. 
Th's class of landowners were always from local causes numerous 
in the northern counties, and particularly so in Furness. 

It was doubtless the intention of William, when he parcelled the 
kingdom into sixty thousand knights' fees, to reduce the whole 
native rural population to the condition of villeins, under his Nor- 
man followers. But his power failed him in the more distant 
portions of his territory. When Roger of Poictou effected the con- 
quest of Lancashire, prudential motives appear to have operated to 
prevent the entire confiscation of the so'l which took place in other 
counties. His castles and those of his principal followers were 
stat'oned on the frontier of h!s earldom, apparently rather t) turn 
back invasion than to curb the inhabitants. The principal of them 
were at the ferry of the Runcorn, where there were no fewer than 
two ; at the landing-place at Liverpool, at that on the Land, at 
Gleeston near the harbour of Peel, where Suart with his Flemish 
army landed at a later period, and in Rochdale, to guard the pass 
into Yorkshire, then ths only practicable one on that side. Lan- 
cashire has always been remarkable for the great number of ancient 
families bearing Saxon names identical with that of their residences, 
those of gentle blood and those descended of them amounting to 
several hundred in number, and of these the presumption is that 
the majority are ohler than the Conquest, while many distinctly 
trace their descent beyond it and are proud of their Saxon lineage. 
It may, therefore, saLly be inferred, that instead of exterminating 
the native landowners, Roger of Poictou took the wiser course of 
amalgamating the principal of them with his followers in the 
Norman system, while a greater port'on of the lesser propiietors 
were suffered to remain on a tenure r.s similar to their original one 
as the new.system allowed, and these we frequently find in ane'ent 
local records in a military sens 3 desc:ibed as Radmen, a Teutonic 
term which the learned Dr. Kner says meant one who rod 3 in battle 
on horseback. This riding to battle on horseback was, as well by 
the ancient Romans as by all the European nations in the Middle 
Ages, esteemed a great privilege, and almost the distinguishing 
mark of a gentleman. The Latin equus and the Norman cheval are 
the roots from which are derived the terms "equestrian " order and 
"chevalier," and in like way in many other languages. At a later 



APPENDIX. 457 

period were added insignia or devices on banner, pennon, crest, 
shield or surcoat, which gradually became hered tary, and combined 
in quarterings for alliance with differences for house and other 
contrivances, for d'stinguishing families and their different mem- 
bers ; and these, very shortly after the Conquest, became the 
exclusive tokens of aristocracy, of what is called in England 
' ' gentility, ' ' and by the continental nations ' ' nobility, ' ' the meaning 
of which is much restricted with us. 

Mr. West remarks (p. 32), that so late as the fme of Henry the 
Eighth, the Saxon families of H'gh Furness lived in villages and 
hamlets of their own name, and he enumerates several. Of these 
probably were the Fells, deriving their name from the district of 
Furness Fells, the general name for High Furness, of whom there 
were many families both in the position of tenants of the manor and 
of free homagers. Of the latter, one family, the Fells of Redmen 
Hall, had been known to have been there for nineteen generations 
(Baines, vol. 4), but from the cause we have mentioned, their 
pedigree will be looked for in vain. Another family of the same 
rank and doubtless the same antiquity, were the Fells of Hawks- 
well, and from the latter, Mr. Fell, the subject of this notice, was 
descended. 

At some period or other which we cannot now ascertain, Mr. Fell 
or his ancestors became extensive purchasers of Abbey lands cover- 
ing many hund red acres to the south and west of the paternal estate 
to Morecambe Bay, and at an advanced period of his life he became 
possessed of a larg3 estate in Kirkby Irelith, the property of the 
Askews o f Marsh Grange, so that his estate extended, with little if any 
interruption, quite aero: s the peninsula, and must, with the outlying 
farms cr fields of which we find traces in most of the contiguous 
parishes and townships, have been, with the exception perhaps of 
that of the Pr. stons of the Abbey, by far the most considerable in 
Furness. Mr. Fell was educated to the profession of the law, and 
though his name is not to be found among those of legal authorities, 
there can be no doubt, from his subsequent advancement, that he 
was a successful practitioner. He lived in troubled times, and the 
only mention we find of him or of his family by Mr. "West, is in the 
year 1642, when Fell of Swarthmoor is enumerated by that historian 
as one of the principal adherents to the Parliamentary cause in 
Furness, and as taking up arms in its behalf. It is to be regretted 
that a historian so accomplished as Mr. West, should have allowed 
his prejudices as a priest and a Jacobite to carry him so far as they 
have, no^ in the way of p osltive misrepresentation but of suppression, 



458 APPENDIX. 

making no mention whatever of the families of Fell anl Askew, 
though every way entitled to notice, or of their capital mansions of 
Swarthmoor and Marsh Grange, equal at the time of their erection, 
or, indeed, superior to any other in the peninsula. The omission is 
obviously studied and not accidental ; nor is it supplied by his 
editor, Mr. Close, who, though sufficiently sensibl3 of it, is unable 
to supply anything beyond the meagre particulars to be gleaned from 
the life of Mrs. Fell. 

The first mention we find of Mr. Fell, personally, is in the year 
1641, at the breaking out of the civil war between the King and the 
Parliament. In that year the Parliament, assuming the prerogative 
of the Crown, directed the Lord New burgh, Chancellor of the 
Du by, to expung j from the list of magistrates Sir Gilbert Hoghton, 
and nine other Royalist gentlemen, and to place in their room 
twelve Parliamentarians, among whom were John Bradshaw and 
Thomas Fell. As the Commission of the Peace was then very 
restricted, this was prjbably an entire change of the whole quorum. 

The list of the twelve shows that the Parliament was then sup- 
ported by many of the more considerable gentry of Lancashire, as 
it includes the names of Ashton, Stanley (Sir Thomas), Ratcl'ffe, 
Sta.idish, Egertm, and others of note. In 1842 we find Mr. Fell 
mentioned again for forfeitures, havhig followed civil war, and the 
Earl of Derby, with the Royalist party, after several sanguinary 
engagements, completely routed, Mr. Fell was appointed, along with 
twenty other gentlemen of consideration, a Parliamentary seques- 
trator for Lancashire. 

In the year 1643, a battle was fought in the immediate neighbour- 
hood of Mr. Fell's residence, in which he was probably present, 
though his name does not appear in any accounts which have sur- 
vived. There are two accounts of this engagement, that of Thomas 
Park, high con- table ("West, p. 46), who quaintly observes that 
those were ; ' troublesome and distracted times, especially for con- 
stables :" and that of Colonel Rigby, also of an ancient Furaess 
family, and one of those of which West avoids giving any account, 
the commander of the Parliamentarian forces (Baines, Vol. II., p. 
26). Trie latter in his dispatch to Parliament simply descr bes the 
action as a rout, but the worthy high constable, in whose life it was 
a greater event, is more particular. 

One of the first uses to which the triumphal party turned their 
newly-acquired power, was to consolidate it by the exclus on. from 
Parliament of their opponents. The then representatives for Lan- 
caster having joined the opposition Parliament summoned by the 



APPENDIX. 459 

King at Oxford, were declared incapable, and in 1645 a new election 
ordered. At tlrs election Mr. Fell and another gentleman of the 
dominant party, Sir Thomas Bendlowcs, or Bindloss, of the house of 
Berwick, long of great consideration in this county and of long 
standing in Furness, were returned. "We have no account of his 
parliamentary career, and it was probably a short one. But Mr. Fell 
was a few years after promoted to an important judicial p jst, which 
he filled for many years, and unlike many persons in his time, in a 
manner generally inoffensive and acceptable to all parties. Th's 
office was either that of Chancellor or of Vice-Chancellor of the 
Duchy of Lancaster and of the Duchy Court in Westminster. His 
wife says that he was Vice-Chancellor ; the register of his burial in 
the parish church of Ulverslone says that he was Chancellor ; 
possibly he might fill the inferior office at one period, and be pro- 
moted to the more d'gnified and lucrative one at a later. In politics 
and religion, which were then identified, Mr. Fell adhered to the 
Independents,* of whom Cromwell was the head, and Bradshaw, 
with whom Fell so orten appears associated, a leading member. 
Whatever might be the faults of this parly, it must be adm'thed 
that for its time, it was one of the mosl; moderate and enlightened. 
In 1646, during its ascendancy, the Parliament set to work t;> 
remodel the Church, or rather to extirpate episcopacy, and in that 
year we find the kingdom divided into provinces or "classical 
presbyteries," of which nine (Baines, Vol. II. p. 41) were in 
Lancashire. In that of Furness, we find Thomas Fell, Esquire, at 
the head of the list of laymen, which also includes Thomas Fell, 
gentleman, of Scantherwhit. In this list the distinction between 
the rank of esquire and that of gentleman, and between the latter 
and yeoman, seems very carefully noted. But though the strength 
of the Parliament and the Dissenters and Low Church, appeared so 
firmly consolidated in 1648, a new cause of alarm arose ta the ruling 
powers that year. An army was raised by the Piesbyterian in- 
terest under the Duke of Hamilton in Scotland, to reinstate the 
fall ng dynasty, and the Lancashire B, jyalists began to put them- 
selves in motion. The House of Commons immediately sent down 
three of its members, Colonel Ashton, Major Brooke, and Mr. F..11 
(Baines, Vol. II.), as commissioners for the safety of the county, 
and they were followed by two other gentlemen of 1 acal rank and 
influence on the same side, Mr. Anderton, of Anderton, and Mr. 
Bold, of Bold. The Pari amenlarlans of the county were' armed 

* Baines says the Presbyterians. 



460 APPENDIX. 

by them under Colonel Rigby, the conqueror of Thersland, and 
Colonel Ashton, probably of Middleton, and they were reinforced 
by a body of veterans under Lambert. Regiments locally raised 
were also placed under the command of two, Colonel Shuttleworths, 
or Stand'sh, and a Dodding, all circumstances sufficient to show 
that, even among the gentry, the Parliament was not without 
powerful adherents in Lancashire. But the Duke of Hamilton and 
Sir Marmaduke Langdale advanced from the North in great force, 
and Cromwell was ordered in person to meet them, which he did 
with his characteristic promptitude and intrepidity. And at War- 
ring! <n and Winwiek, on the Cheshire border, he encountered the 
enemy, and with one-third of their numerical force routed and all 
but annihilated them. Th's is the last political event with which 
we find Mr. Fell's name connected. His promotion to a judicial 
office the succeeding year wo aid naturally withdraw him from 
politics. From his connection with Cromwell and Bradshaw, it is 
not probable that he would remain with the fanatical "rump" of 
the Long Parliament which was forcib'y dissolved by the Protector, 
an 1 it is certain that he was never elected into any succeeding 
parliament. 

We cannot find that Mr. Fell ever sat in any of the superior 
courts of Westminster, but, besides his office in the Duchy, he was 
one of the Judges of Assize of the Chester and North Wales 
Circuit. It also appears that from some cause he and Bradshaw 
we e associated as going Judges of Assize, in 1C53, on the English 
No them Circuit, where th.y both greatly exerted themsJves to 
discountenance the persecutions of the Qaakers, and subsequently 
both, part cularly Fell, seem to have protected them to the utmost of 
their power. Such are the few and meagre particulars, which from 
incidental notices widely dispersed, we have been able to glean of 
the his ory of one whose hist >ry, had it been written when his 
career was freshly remembered, would doubtkss hive presented 
many features of interest, boih from his station and credit with his 
party, the importance of the offices which he filied, and the remark- 
able character of th jse with whom he was associated. That sto.my 
and eventful era wh'ch commenced with an armed resistance to the 
usurpations of the Crown, and ended with the Restoration, was no!; 
one in which quiet mediocrity throve ; and to thrive without odium 
was then a rare happiness, which presumed both ability and integ- 
rity. The character of Judge Fell, as he is commonly termed, is 
preserved in the affectionate eulogies of his wife, and the general 
veneration in which it was long regarded, more particularly by the 



APPENDIX. 461 

Society of Friends. But beside this we have the negative evidence 
that in an age when those in power almost universally grew rich on 
the spoils of the defeated party, his hands were unstained. Hawks- 
well was his paternal estate. Swarthmoor he possessed before the 
breaking out of the civil wars, whether by purchase or descent 
docs not appear, but more probably the latter. Marsh Grange he 
bought of his relations, the Askews. All was fairly his own ; and 
when his political enemies shortly after his death recovered power, 
no ru'ned royalist had to ask for the restoration of sequestrations, 
or d'spute the title of his heirs, to whom all descended peaceably 
according to his devise. 



Marriage Ceetificate of George Fox axd Margaret Fox 
ik 1669. 

" These are to signify unto all whom this may concern, That on 
the Eighteenth day of the Eighth month, in the year One thousand 
six hundred and sixty-nine, George Fox and Margaret Fell pro- 
pounded their intentions of joining together in honourable marriage, 
in the covenant of God, in our men's meeting, at Broad Meade, 
within the City of Bristol (having before made mention of such 
their intentions to several friends), on the behalf of which there 
were several testimonies given, both by the children and relations 
of the said Margaret, then present, and several others, in the power 
of the Lord, both of men and women, declaring their satisfaction 
and approbation of their declared intention of marriage. And, 
likewise, at another meeting, both of men and women, at the place 
aforesaid, on the twenty-fu st day of the month and year aforesa'd, 
the said George Fox and Margaret Fell did again publish their 
intentions of joining together in the honourable marriage, in the 
covenant of God, unto which again there were many living testi- 
monies borne by relations and friends then present, both of men and 
women. And the same intention of marriage being again published 
by Dennis Hollister at our public meeting-place aforesaid, on the 
two and twentieth day of the month and year aforesaid ; and then 
again a public testimony was given to the same, that it was of God, 
who had brought it to pass. And for the full accomplishment of 
the aforesaid proposed and approved intention, at a public meetm~ 



462 APPENDIX. 

both of men and women friends appointed on purpose for the same 
thing, at the place aforesaid, and on the twenty-seventh day of the 
month and year aforesaid, according to the law and ordinance of 
God, and the example and good order of His people mentioned in 
the Scriptures of truth, who took each other before witnesses, and 
the ciders of the people, as Lahan appointed a meeting at the 
marriage of Jacob, and as a meeting was appointed on purpose 
when Boaz and Ruth took each other, and ako as it was in Cana, 
where Christ and His disciples went to a marriage, the said George 
Fox did solemnly hi the presence of God, and us His people, declare 
That he took the said Margaret Fell, in the everlast'ng power and 
covenant of Gi d, which is from everlasting to everlasting ; and in 
the honourable marriage to be his bride and his wife. And, like- 
wise, the said Margaret did solemnly diclare, that in the everlast'ng 
power of the Mighty God, and in the unalterable word, and in the 
piv-c net; of God, His angels, and us His holy assembly, she took 
id George Fox to be her husband ; unto which marriage many 
l'ving testimonies were born?, in a sense of the power and presence 
of the l'ving God, man'fest:d in the said assembly, of which we, 
whose names are here subscribed, are witnesses : — 

"John Rous. " Margaret Rous. 
William Yeamans. Issabell Yeamans. 

Thomas Low rat. Mart Lower. 

Geo. Roberts. Sarah Fell. 

George Whitehead. Susan Fell. 

Thomas Salthouse. Rachel Fell. 

Robt. Widder. Ann Whitehead. 

Leonard Fell. Margaret Besse. 

Morgan Watkins." Susannah Pearson. 

And many other men Mary Wakefield." 

Friends. And many other women 

Friends. 

It may be observed from the above recorded date of the publica- 
tion of George and Margaret Fox's marriage, that the whole public 
proceedings, from first to last, occupied only nine days;' and that 
neither husband nor wife s'gned the certificate. Their marriage 
certificate is one of the most ancient documents of the kind in 
existence in connection with the Friends' marriages. Another, 
wh'ch is in my possession, bears date nine years latsr : it is that of 
my own great-great-grandparents, who were natives of Weslmore- 



APPENDIX. 463 

land. As it exhibits several points of difference from the foregoing, 
it vvill have interest for those who are curious about the changes in 
certificates which have been adopted by Friends, therefore I tran- 
scribe it : — 

Marriage Certificate of William Hadwan and Sarah 
Thompson in 1678. 

"This is to certify the truth to all who may desire to know, that 
William Hadwan, of Penbank, in the county of Westmoreland, 
tanner, and Sarah Thompson, daughter of John Thompson, of 
Crooke, in the county aforesaid, spinster, having intentions of 
marriage according to the ordinance of God, and God's joining, 
laid it before the men's and women's meetings ; before whom their 
marriage being propounded, the meeting desiring them to wait a 
month's time, and they making inquiry betwixt the times whether 
the man is clear from all oilier women, and she free from all other 
men, and friends and relations content therewith. So a second time 
they coming together before the monthly meeting, and all things 
being found clear, a meeting of the people of God was appointed in 
the house of the said John Thompson, where they took one another 
in the presence of God, and in the presence of His people, the 
twenty-sixth day of the Fourth month, 1678, promising to live 
faithfully together as man and wife ought to do, as long as they 
both do live ; accoiding to the law of God and the practice of the 
holy men of God in the Scriptures of truth. 

"We are witnesses oi the same whose names are hereunto sub- 
scribed the day and year aforesaid. 

" William Hadwan. 
" Sarah Hadwan. 

"John Thompson. ' ' Agnes Thompson. 

eornat moaxson. eebena thompson. 

Robert Earrow. Margrat Willson. 

Abraham Thompson, Isabell Willson. 

[Nicholas Wilson. Agnas Pearson. 

Will Hodgson. Dorothy Thompson. 

Thomas Willson. Allice Burrah. 

Jonas Willson. Agnas Oslife." And 

many other signatures 
of men and women 
Friends. 



464 APPENDIX. 



D. 



Copy of the Certificate of the Marriage of Daniel, Abra- 
ham and Rachel Fell, 1682. 

"Whereas Daniell Abraham of Manchester, son and heir of John 
Abraham of Manchester, merchant, and in the county of Lancaster, 
ed, and Rachell Fell, spinster, daughter of Thomas Fell of 
Swarthnioor, esquire, in the parish of Ulverston, and in the afore- 
said county of Lanca>tcr, deceased, and cf Margaret his wife, 
having declared their intentions of marriage with each other, befo.o 
several public meet'ngs of the people of God called Quakers, in the 
aforesaid county, according to the good order used amongst them ; 
whose proceedings therein, after deliberate consideration thereof, 
and consent i f paities and relations concerned, was approved of by 
kid meetings. Now these are to certify to all whom it may 
1 11, that for the full determining of their said intentions, this 
seventh day of March, in the year according to the English account 
1682, the said Daniel Abraham and Rachell Fell appeared, in a 
.solemn and public assembly of the afor^sa'd people, met together 
for that end and purpose in their public meeting at SwarLhmore, in 
the county of Lancaster aforesaid, and in a s ilemn manner, accord- 
ing to the example of the holy men of G >d recorded in the Scrip- 
tures of truth, he, the sa'd Daniell Abraham, taking the said Rachell 
Fell by the hand, did openly declare as followeth, viz. : — 

"I, Daniell Abraham, in the fear of the Lord, in the sense and 
feeling of His love and presence, and in the presence of you who 
are my witnesses, do take my dear friend Rachell Fell to be my 
wife, and do promise, through the assistance of the Lord, to be to 
her a loving, tender, and faithful husband, so long as we both shall 
live. And then and there in the said assembly, the said Rachell 
Fell did in like manner declare as followeth, viz. : — 

"I, Rachell Fell, take Daniell Abraham to be my husband, 
promising, through the Lord's assistance, to be to him a faithful 
and loving wife till death doth separate us. And the said Daniell 
Abraham and Rachell Fell, now Rachell Abraham, as a further 
confirmation thereof, did then and there to these presents set their 
hands. And we whose names are hereunto subscribed, be ng present, 
amongst many others, at the solemnizing of their said marriage and 



465 



subscription in manner aforesaid, as 
to these presents subscribed our nam 
written. 



: Witnesses — 



Thomas Lower. 
John Hatdock. 
Robt. Widder. 
Thomas Camm! 
Roger Haddock. 
Rolph Ridge way. 
Robt. Salthottse. 
Leonard Fell. 
Edw t ard Braithat. 



witnesses thereunto, have also 
is, the day and the year above 

" Daniell Abraham. 
"Bachell Abraham. 

1 Margaret Fox. 

Mary Lower. 

Anne Camm. 

Jane Gregge. 

Deborah Salthouse. 

dobrithy wailes. 

Bettris Curwen. 

Elinor Clayton. 

Mary Askew." And nu- 
merous other signatures 
of men and Women 
Friends. 



E. 

The Will of George Fox. 

Proved 30th December, 1697. E Registro Curia Prerogatives Cant. 
Extract. 

"I do give to Thomas Lower my saddle (they are at John 
Nelson's), and bridle, and spurs, and boots, inward leathered, and 
the New England Indian Bible, and my great book of the signifying 
of names, and my book of the New Testament of eight languages, 
and all my physical things that came from beyond the seas, with the 
outlandish cup, and my two dials, the one is an equinoctial dial. 
And all my overplus books to be divided among my four sons-in- 
law, and also all my other books and my hammock I do give to 
Thomas Lower ; [they are in] Benjamin Antrobus' chest ; and 
Rachell may take that which is at S warthmore. And Thomas Lower 
may have my walnut equinoctial dial (and if he can he may get one 
cut by it, which will be hard to do), and he shall have one of my 
prospect-glasses in my trunk at London ; and a pair of my gloves 
and my seal, G. F. And that with the flaming sword to Nat. 



466 APPENDIX. 

Mead ; and my other two seals J. Eous and the other Dan. Abra- 
ham. And Thomas Lower shall have my magnifying glass, and 
the toitoise-shell comb and case. 

"And all that I have written concerning what I do give to my 
relations, either money or otherwise, John Loft may put it up in my 
trunk at John Elsone's, and write all things down in a paper, and 
make a paper out of all my papers, how I have ordered things for 
them ; and John Loft may send all things down by Pouelesworth 
carrier, in the trunk, to John Fox, at Pouelesworth in Warwickshire ; 
and let John Fox send John Loft a full receipt and a discharge ; and 
in this matter, none of you may be concerned but John Loft. And 
my other little trunk that standeth in Benjamin Antrobus' closet, 
with the outlandish things, Thomas Lower shall have ; and if it be 
ordered, in any other papers, to any other, that must not stand so, 
but as n >w ord red — G. F. And Sary, thou may g've Sary Fricken- 
feld half-a-guinea ; for she hath been serviceable to me, an honest, 
careful young woman— G. F. Make no noise of these things, but do 
them in the life, as I have ordered them. And let Thomas Dockeral, 
that knoweth many of my epistles, and written books, which he did 
write [copy] come up to London to assist Friends in sorting of my 
epistles and other writings ; give him a guinea — G. F. And when 
all is done and cleared, what remains to [go to] the printing of my 
books. Benjamin Antrobus and Mary hath £100 pounds of mine — 
take no use of them for it when you do receive it. And in my chest 
in Benjamin Antrobus' chamber there is a little gilt box with some 
gold in it ; Sary Mead to take it, and let it do its services among the 
rest, so far as it will go ; the box is sealed up — G. F. 

"I do order William and Sary Mead, and T. Lower, to take care 
of all my books, and epistles, and papers, that be at Benjam'n 
Antrobus' and at B. B. Chambers', and those that come from Swarth- 
more, and my journal of my life, and the passages and travels of 
Friends, and to take them all into their hands, and all the overplus 
of them they may have and keep together as a library, when they 
have gathered them together, which are to be printed. And for 
them to take charge of all my money, and defray all as I have 
ordered in my other papers, and anything [more] of mine they may 
take, and God will and shall be their reward — the 8th month, 1688. 
Thomas Lower and John Bous may assist you — G. F. And all the 
passages and travels and sufferings of Friends, in the beginning of the 
spreading of the Truth, which I have kept together, will make a fine 
history, and they may be had at Swarthmore with my other books. 



APPENDIX. 467 

"Glory to the Lord for ever. Amen. G. F. — the 8th month, 
1688. 

"The persons hereinafter named, by their solemn declaration, sub- 
scribed under their hands, did affirm the above 'written to be wrote 
with the proper band of the said George Fox, deceased, they being 
acqua'nted with his handwriting : — 

"S. Mead, wife of W. Mead, of the parish of St. Dyonis Back- 
church, London, citizen and merchant tailor* of London. W. Ingram, 
of the parish of St. Margaret, New Fish-street, London, aged about 
57 years ; he knew George Fox about 40 years. G. Whitehead, of 
the parish of St. Botolph without, Bishopsgate. London, gentleman, 
aged about CO years ; knew George Fox above 40 yeais." 

[The spelling of proper names in the foregoing "Will and Certificates 
is left as in the originals. Those who are acquainted with the common 
written documents belonging to the seventeenth century, will be 
aware how uncertain is their spelling of proper names, different 
members of the same family not unfrequently spelling their own 
names and the name of the family residence differently. Thus I find 
Swarthmojr sometimes spelled Swarthmore, Swartmore, Swarth- 
moar, and Swartmoar ; and Gooseyes, which Sarah Meade always 
spelled thus, by her mother and some others was spelled Gooses, 
again Gooseys, and yet again Gooshays ; and "William and Sarah 
Meade's name, which they always teiminatid with e, has no such 
termination in the above "Will.] 



The following corrected particulars respecting the descendants of 
the Fell family were received after going to press : — 

Note, p. 441, line 28. — Of the descendants of the Wards we cannot 
obtain any information. The most numerous family now traceable of 
Fell descent through Thomas and Mary Lower are the descendants 
of Loveday Lower's daughter, Perry Swan. Perry was married to 
Joseph Boubleday, and of their grandchildren there are four now 
living: — Hannah Lnpey, of Earle's Colne, a widow; William, Double- 
day King, of Sudbury, who was married in 1830 to Susanna Grubb, 
daughter of John and Sarah Lynes Grubb ; Elizabeth Brown, a 
widow, who resides near Epping, and has three children, all married ; 
' Beamish, married in 1883 to Rachel Watson. They 

The City Guild to which W. Meade belonged. 



468 



APPENDIX. 



have one son, Joseph Watson Beamish, and he has a son, born in 
18G6. Thus of the descendants of Perry Swan there are nine, above 
specified. Of these, five 'belong to the Society of Friends, and four, 
I believe, to the Church of England. 

Note, p. 447. — There are in all forty-two descendants of Abraham 
and Lydia Shackleton now living. The total number of the living 
descendants of Judge Fell, that can be spoken of with certainty, 
amount to ninety, of whom it appears 






43 belong to the Society of Friends. 


17 


' " Church of England. 


13 


1 " Unitarians. 


6 


' " Independents. 


5 


' " Roman Catholics. 


6 


" Doubtful. 



90 



683 










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